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Cuplikan Kongres Rakyat Papua III - Hai Tanahku Papua - NFRPB

BERITA PAPUA TERHANGAT HARI INI ~ PRESIDEN K.K.B PAPUA MENINGG4L, DETIK2...

NEGARA NEGARA PENDUKUNG PAPUA MERDEKA

INILAH BEBERAPA NEGARA NEGARA PENDUKUNG PAPUA MERDEKA NEGARA PENDUKUNG UTAMA 1. NEGARA KEPULAUAN VANUATU 2. NEGARA KEPULAUAN SOLOMON 3. NEGARA KEPULAUAN MARSHALL 5. NEGARA NAURU 6. NEGARA KEPULAUAN PALAU 7. NEGARA KEPULAUAN TONGGA 8. NEGARA KEPULAUAN TUVALU DAN DARI NEGARA NEGARA KARIBIA 1. NEGARA KEPULAUAN SAINT VINCENT & GRENADINES DAN DARI BENUA AFRICA 1. NEGARA REPUBLIK SENEGAL NEGARA NEGARA PENDUKUNG KEMUDIAN ADALAH NEGARA NEGARA PENDUKUNG PAPUA MERDEKA INILAH BEBERAPA RINCIAN DATANYA 3.MARSHALL

The Marshall Islands flag is a blue flag and consists of a large star in the canton and two diagonal lines in orange and white, extending from the lower left corner to the upper right corner. The blue color represents the Pacific Ocean. The diagonal band represents the equator. The star above represents the island group. The white and orange lines represent sunrise and sunset, respectively, and symbolize peace and courage. The height-to-width ratio in the flag is 10:19, and the flag was adopted on May 1, 1979. On its seal is an angel with open wings, symbolizing peace. In addition, the products obtained from the sea and land and the tools they obtain are included in the seal. The Marshall Islands flag is waving on a flagpole rising from the world globe.The Marshall Islands, officially known as the Republic of the Marshall Islands, is an island country near the equator in the Pacific Ocean. Its capital is Majuro, and its population is about 56,000. The waving flag of the Marshall Islands with its seal (unofficial) The seal of the Marshall Islands on a waving white flag The waving vertical flag of the Marshall Islands (Animated GIF) COUNTRY PROFILE Capital and largest city: Majuro (pop. 25,000) Other major cities: Ebaye (15,000) Official languages: English, Marshallese Region: Micronesia Ethnic groups: 92.1% Marshallese 5.9% Mixed Marshallese 2% Others Religion: 95.3% Christianity 1.6% Non-Religious 3.1% Other religions Demonym: Marshallese Area: 181.43 km² (70.05 sq mi) Population: 56,000 Currency: United States dollar

tpn pb

tpn ppb https://www.teras.id/news/pat-20/76164/tentara-pembebasan-nasional-papua-barat-nyatakan-siap-perang https://suarapapua.com/2021/08/17/ketua-opm-indonesia-di-papua-barat-ilegal/ https://lsisi.id/perjanjian-new-york-mengakui-papua-bagian-nkri/ tpn pb

DOUMENT ANNDIANA ELISABET

DOKU Kelompok Separatis Papua Merdeka Kelompok Kriminal Bersenjata (KKB) telah menghantui Papua, kekejamannya bukan hanya berlaku untuk aparat melainkan juga sipil, anak-anak bahkan perempuan. Dilansir dari BBC, selama 2019, KKB terlibat 23 kasus penembakan dan 20 korban meninggal dunia di sejumlah wilayah Papua. Pada 2018, terdapat 26 kasus penembakan yang dilakukan oleh OPM, yang menewaskan 29 orang: 22 warga sipil dan 7 aparat keamanan. Menurut warga, KKB bukan hanya menyerang aparat, tapi meneror warga dengan kekerasan fisik, perampokan, pemerkosaan, dan penjarahan harta benda warga. KKB pernah menyandera 15 tenaga medis dan guru di Nduga selama 2 minggu (3/10/18). Mereka dengan keji memperkosa seorang guru secara bergiliran. Anak-anak pun jadi korban kekejian KKB, Associated Press membuktikan bahwa KKB menggunakan tentara anak. Hal yang hanya dilakukan oleh kelompok teroris. Salah satu aksi teror KKB yang paling terkenal adalah pembantaian 19 dari 34 pekerja Trans Papua di Nduga pada Minggu (2/12). Kelompok Organisasi Papua Merdeka, Dibuat di Era Belanda Tapi Menyusahkan Indonesia Sampai Sekarang Kelompok Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM) merupakan sebuah istilah umum untuk pergerakan pro-kemerdekaan Papua yang berdiri sejak tahun 1965 di Papua untuk memperjuangkan kemerdekaan Papua. Pergerakan tersebut dimulai oleh reaksi sebagian mantan pasukan Papoea Vrijwilligers Korps atau Korps Relawan Papua (PVK) atas ketidaksetujuan pengintegrasian Papua ke dalam Indonesia dan muncul perlawanan bersenjata pertama bernama OPM pada tahun 1965. Organisasi ini dikenal dengan gerakan yang terdesentralisasi dan terdiri dari faksi-faksi yang bekerja baik dalam persaingan dan koordinasi satu sama lain. Asal Mula Berdirinya Kelompok Pemberontak Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM) Kurang dari sepekan setelah kemerdekaan Indonesia di tahun 1945, Belanda kembali datang membawa sekutu dan memulai rentetan kontak senjata di berbagai tempat termasuk Jakarta sampai pada awal 1946, ibukota dipindahkan ke Yogyakarta. Pada 25 Maret 1947, Belanda dan Indonesia menyepakati Perundingan Linggarjati yang berisi bahwa: (1) Belanda mengakui Jawa dan Madura sebagai wilayah RI secara de facto; (2) Belanda meninggalkan wilayah RI paling lambat 1 Januari 1949; (3) Belanda dan Indonesia sepakat membentuk negara RIS (Republik Indonesia Serikat); (4) RIS menjadi negara persemakmuran di bawah naungan negeri Belanda. Namun, pada 21 Juli 1947, Letnan Gubernur Jenderal Belanda Johannes van Mook menegaskan bahwa hasil Perundingan Linggarjati tidak berlaku lagi dan memulai operasi militer yang dikenal dengan nama Agresi Militer Belanda I yang berlangsung sampai 5 Agustus 1947. Belanda menamakan operasi militer ini sebagai Aksi Polisionil dan menyatakan tindakan ini sebagai urusan dalam negeri. Dari tahun 1947–1948, Belanda menggunakan politik Devide et Impera atau politik pecah belah yang merupakan kombinasi strategi politik, militer, dan ekonomi untuk mendapatkan dan menjaga kekuasaan dengan cara memecah kelompok besar menjadi kelompok-kelompok kecil yang lebih mudah ditaklukan. Politik peredaman ini dilakukan oleh Belanda dengan pendirian negara boneka di Sumatera Timur, Madura, Pasundan, Sumatera Selatan, dan Jawa Timur pada tahun 1947–1948 untuk membina separatisme. Pada 22 Desember 1948, para delegasi Indonesia membahas pelanggaran Perundingan Linggarjati, penggelaran operasi militer Belanda, dan penawanan para petinggi pemerintahan Indonesia di sidang PBB di Paris. Delegasi Belanda di PBB menolak klaim Indonesia dengan menyatakan bahwa keadaan di Indonesia telah kembali normal dan para pemimpin yang ditawan diperkenankan untuk bergerak dengan leluasa. Pada 15 Januari 1949, dua anggota Komisi Tiga Negara (KTN) dikirim ke tempat pengasingan dan tidak menemukan kebenaran dalam klaim Belanda. Para delegasi Indonesia selanjutnya mengikuti Konferensi Inter-Asia di New Delhi pada 20–23 Januari 1949 yang dihadiri oleh perwakilan sejumlah negara dan menghasilkan kesepakatan forum yang meminta bantuan PBB untuk mengatasi persoalan antara Belanda dan Indonesia. Dalam mediasinya, PBB menerbitkan Resolusi 67 tertanggal 28 Januari 1949 yang menghimbau agar Belanda menghentikan aksi militernya di Indonesia dan agar Indonesia menghentikan perlawanan terhadap Belanda. Agresi militer dihentikan, namun Belanda menolak sebagian besar isi resolusi dan melakukan Serangan Umum 1 Maret 1949. Dalam usaha untuk mengakhiri konflik Belanda-Indonesia, perjanjian Den Haag atau Perjanjian Konferensi Meja Bundar (KMB) diratifikasi pada 2 November 1949. Perjanjian ini menyatakan Belanda setuju untuk mentransfer kedaulatan politik mereka atas seluruh wilayah bekas Hindia Belanda dengan Papua Barat menjadi satu-satunya bagian dari Hindia Belanda yang tidak dipindahkan ke Indonesia dan status Papua Barat akan dibahas setahun kemudian. Untuk membantu mempertahankan koloni Papua dari infiltrasi pasukan Indonesia, pasukan Papoea Vrijwilligers Korps (PVK) yang beranggotakan pribumi Papua dibentuk oleh Belanda pada tahun 1961. Belanda melanjutkan pembentukan sebuah komite pada tanggal 19 Oktober 1961 yang merancang Manifesto untuk Kemerdekaan dan Pemerintahan Mandiri, bendera nasional (Bendera Bintang Kejora), cap negara, memilih “Hai Tanahku Papua” sebagai lagu kebangsaan, dan meminta masyarakat untuk dikenal sebagai orang Papua. Belanda mengakui bendera dan lagu ini pada tanggal 18 November 1961, dan peraturan ini mulai berlaku pada tanggal 1 Desember 1961. Langkah-langkah yang dilakukan Belanda ini merupakan pelanggaran perjanjian KMB. Selanjutnya Belanda melakukan penyerangan di Yogyakarta pada 19 Desember 1949 yang menandai awal Agresi Militer II Belanda. Pada 19 Desember 1961, Presiden Indonesia Soekarno mengumumkan pelaksanaan Operasi Trikora yang bertujuan untuk merencanakan, mempersiapkan, dan menyelenggarakan operasi militer untuk menggabungkan Papua Barat (saat itu bernama Irian Barat) dengan Indonesia. Pada tahun 1962, Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa mengatur pemindahan wilayah Papua Barat (pada saat itu masih bernama Irian Barat) antara negara Indonesia dan Belanda melalui Perjanjian New York. Perjanjian ini memberikan Administrasi Transisi PBB di Papua Barat untuk pengalihan otoritas dari Belanda ke Indonesia dan pelaksanaan Penentuan Pendapat Rakyat. Setelah Papua resmi menjadi bagian dari negara kesatuan Indonesia, PVK dibubarkan pada tahun 1963 dan mantan anggota PVK terbelah menjadi dua kubu pro dan kontra pengintegrasian Papua ke dalam Indonesia. Kubu yang kontra dengan pengintegrasian Papua selanjutnya melakukan pertemuan pada tahun 1965 dan mencetuskan diproklamirkannya OPM. Di tahun yang sama, Papua dialihkan kepada Indonesia dengan syarat pengadaan plebisit (penentuan status daerah melalui pemungutan suara umum) di tahun 1969 untuk menentukan status Papua. Agar dapat melaksanakan plebisit Penentuan Pendapat Rakyat (Pepera), dibentuk Dewan Musyawarah Pepera (DPM) yang beranggotakan 1.026 orang untuk mewakili sekitar 800.000 penduduk Papua. Anggota DPM terdiri dari unsur tradisional (kepala suku) sebanyak 400 orang, 360 orang dari unsur daerah, dan 266 orang dari berbagai kelompok lain. Hasil Pepera yang dilaksanakan pada 2 Agustus 1969, sebagaimana dinyatakan dalam aklamasi perwakilan DMP, menetapkan bahwa Papua Barat tetap berada di dalam Republik Indonesia. Pada 19 November 1969, Majelis Umum PBB melakukan pemungutan suara untuk rancangan resolusi yang disampaikan bersama oleh Indonesia dan Belanda dengan hasil 84 suara mendukung, tidak ada yang menolak, dan 30 suara abstain. Melalui Resolusi №2504 di Majelis Umum PBB ke-24 ini, hasil Pepera telah diterima oleh masyarakat internasional, Papua secara de facto diakui dan sah sebagai bagian dari wilayah Republik Indonesia, dan pemindahan kekuasaan di wilayah Papua Barat dari HISTORY

Belanda ke Indonesia telah dikonfirmasi. ANNTONIO GUTTERES

Pecahnya Pertarungan Antara OPM VS ULMWP VS KNPB Sampai saat ini, terdapat beberapa kelompok pergerakan pro-kemerdekaan Papua, yaitu: Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM) dengan tentaranya bernama Tentara Pembebasan Nasional Papua Barat (TPNPB), United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) dengan tentaranya bernama West Papua Army (WPA), dan Komite Nasional Papua Barat (KNPB). Perebutan kekuasaan antara 3 kelompok separatis di Papua bukanlah hal baru. Perpecahan tersebut diawali dengan fakta bahwa pada 2017, Benny Wenda mendirikan United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP) dengan memalsukan tanda tangan salah satu pendiri OPM. Lewis Prai, salah seorang tokoh separatis Papua, tidak mengakui Benny. Lantaran kekuasaan OPM direbut dengan cara menyebar surat palsu tertanggal 28 Desember 2017. Pada September 2018, salah satu mantan sekretariat utama ULMWP, Leonie Tanggahma, mengundurkan diri dari ULMWP. Leonie menyatakan ketidaksetujuannya atas kebijakan ULMWP atas pengadopsian “Petisi Orang Papua Barat” sebagai alat lobi utama kelompok tersebut. Leonie menyatakan bahwa petisi yang diajukan oleh Benny Wenda ke PBB tidak mengikuti mekanisme sesuai syarat yang ada, serta tanda tangan orang Papua di petisi tersebut juga keberadaanya tidak dapat dipertanggungjawabakan. Dan pada akhirnya, petisi yang dibawa oleh Benny Wenda itu ditolak di PBB karena Papua Barat tidak termasuk di dalam bangsa-bangsa C-24. Pada Juli 2017 ketua C-24 PBB di New York, Rafel Ramirez, dengan jelas mengatakan menolak petisi yang dibawa oleh Benny Wenda, dengan pertimbangan bahwa Papua Barat tidak masuk dalam daftar anggota C-24. Note: C-24 dalam PBB: Komite Khusus Dekolonialisasi Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa (PBB), yang dikhususkan untuk mengatasi permasalahan negara-negara jajahan bangsa kolonial. Negara-negara yang termasuk kedalam C-24 seperti India, Fiji, Ethopia dan lainya. Pada 1 Juli 2019, Benny Wenda mengklaim bahwa ULMWP menaungi tiga kelompok kemerdekaan yang termasuk OPM, Tentara Pembebasan Nasional Papua Barat (TPNPB), dan Tentara Tentara Revolusi Papua Barat (TRWP) dengan tujuan untuk membentuk kemerdekaan Papua Barat. Klaim ini dibantah oleh juru bicara TNPB, Sebby Sambom, yang menjelaskan bahwa itu adalah klaim sepihak dan Sebby menduga klaim tersebut dipakai untuk mendapatkan legitimasi untuk berdiplomasi di tingkat internasional. Interview yang diadakan oleh Dateline Pacific menyatakan bahwa perwakilan dari TPNPB dan gerakan Papua Merdeka lainnya tidak mendukung penyatuan tiga kelompok tersebut yang diumumkan dalam ‘Deklarasi Perbatasan Vanimo’. Melalui KNPB, Victor Yeimo juga menyatakan ketidaksetujuannya atas otoritas Benny Wenda. Victor Yeimo dari Komite Nasional Papua Barat (KNPB) mengomentari Benny yang haus kekuasaan. Victor menyatakan bahwa ULMWP bertindak seolah-olah perwakilan sebuah negara. Menurutnya, separatis Papua memiliki banyak faksi politik dan sejarah yang panjang. Tidak seperti saat ini, semua (informasi) datang dari asing, dari Benny Wenda.Terlalu banyak orang yang menyatakan diri sebagai presiden. -Victor Yeimo, juru bicara separatis Papua (KNPB) Perebutan kekuasaan antara ketiga faksi ini telah menyakiti banyak warga Papua, bahkan mereka terbukti menggunakan anak-anak sebagai tentaranya. Penggunaan tentara anak-anak jelas adalah kejahatan perang dan melanggar resolusi PBB. Asal Mula Terbentuknya Faksi Politik Papua Merdeka Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM), Kelompok Pemberontak Buatan Belanda Dimulai dari satuan militer yang dibentuk Amerika Serikat dalam komando tentara sekutu untuk menghadapi Jepang dalam Perang Pasifik, Batalyon Papua dibentuk pada tahun 1944 untuk melawan Angkatan Laut Jepang di pesisir Papua dan beranggotakan para gerilyawan dari suku-suku Papua. Setelah kepergian Jepang, Belanda berusaha memperkuat diri untuk mengambil alih Indonesia sebagai daerah koloninya kembali sebelum perang dunia kedua dan mereka menjadikan Batalyon Papua sebagai Nederlandsch Indië Civil Administratie (NICA) Belanda. Saat militer Amerika meninggalkan Indonesia, pasukan Batalyon Papua dijadikan bagian dari KNIL. Setelah berperang melawan pihak Indonesia hingga 1949, KNIL dibubarkan di tahun 1950. Mantan anggota KNIL terpecah menjadi dua kubu: pro-Belanda dan pro-Indonesia. Walaupun resolusi KMB pada tahun 1949 menetapkan penyerahan Papua ke Indonesia oleh Belanda, Belanda melakukan pelanggaran atas kesepakatan tersebut dengan menghidupkan kembali Batalyon Papua melalui pembentukan Papoea Vrijwilligers Korps (PVK) pada tahun 1961 sebagai kekuatan militer untuk membantu Belanda mempertahankan koloni Papua. Seiring dengan Perjanjian New York pada tahun 1962 yang mengatur pemindahan wilayah Papua Barat antara negara Indonesia dan Belanda melalui PBB, Belanda menguatkan PVK untuk menjaga koloni mereka atas Papua Barat. Perjanjian ini memberikan Administrasi Transisi PBB di Papua Barat untuk pengalihan otoritas dari Belanda ke Indonesia dan pelaksanaan Penentuan Pendapat Rakyat. Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM) berdiri sejak tahun 1965 dan memulai serangan bersenjata pertama mereka pada tahun 1965. Pergerakan OPM berlanjut dan pada tanggal 4 Desember 1968, Kementerian Pertahanan Indonesia dan Tentara Indonesia memulai serangan terhadap kubu pemberontak di wilayah barat laut pegunungan Papua Barat setelah Organisasi Papua Merdeka mengabaikan ultimatum untuk menyerah. Pada tahun 1969, Tentara Indonesia menyita dokumen-dokumen dari OPM yang berisi informasi nama Presiden OPM, Marcus Kassieppo, yang saat itu berdomisili di Belanda. Perjuangan OPM terus berlanjut dan tensi internal di Indonesia terus meninggi. Pada tahun 2017, Jeffrey Bomanak terpilih sebagai Ketua OPM. Selain penciptaan Tentara Pembebasan Nasional Papua Barat, OPM juga melakukan pergerakan diplomasi internasional untuk mendukung perjuangan mereka. Tentara Pembebasan Nasional Papua Barat (TPNPB) adalah sayap militer OPM yang yang dibentuk sejak tanggal 26 Maret 1973 dan pada saat itu dipimpin oleh Jenderal Goliath Tabuni. Tentara Pembebasan Nasional Papua Barat (TPNPB), Kelompok Pembunuh 19 Pekerja di Papua Kelompok TPNPB menyerukan kepada rakyat Papua Barat agar memboikot pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden 2019 di Papua dan agar Papua, serta pemerintah Indonesia bisa melepas Papua dari Indonesia, namun pemilihan umum di Papua Barat tetap berjalan lancar dengan angka partisipasi yang mencapai 88 persen pada pemilu pilpres April 2019. Juru bicara TPNPB menjelaskan bahwa penyerangan para pekerja proyek dikarenakan prinsip TPNPB menolak pembangunan di Papua Barat. Pada Oktober 2018 — Maret 2019, kelompok TPNPB telah menewaskan 35 orang. Rinciannya 30 warga sipil, 4 anggota TNI dan 1 Polisi, termasuk didalamnya penembakan kepada pekerja proyek jembatan Trans Papua di Nduga yang menyebabkan kematian 19 pekerja. Kelompok Pembawa 1,8 Juta Petisi Palsu Rakyat Papua Barat, ULMWP (United Liberation Movement of West Papua) Dimulai dari sebuah organisasi dengan nama Jaringan Damai Papua (Papua Peace Network) yang muncul pada tahun 2009, organisasi tersebut berkembang menjadi Persatuan Gerakan Pembebasan Papua Barat (ULMWP) pada 6 Desember 2014 dengan lima sekretariat utama yang terdiri dari Benny Wenda, Jacob Rumbiak dari Otoritas Nasional Papua Barat (ONPB), putri dari utusan OPM Leonie Tanggahma, Octovianus Mote, dan Rex Rumakiek. Diwakili Benny Wenda, organisasi ini menyerahkan petisi referendum Papua Barat kepada Ketua Dewan Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa (PBB), Michelle Bachelet pada tanggal 25 Januari 2019. Petisi yang berisi seruan kemerdekaan Papua Barat untuk lepas dari Indonesia tersebut meminta PBB agar menunjuk utusan khusus guna menyelidiki pelanggaran HAM di Provinsi Papua Barat dan memasukkan isu Papua Barat dalam agenda C24. Ketua Komite C24, Rafael Ramirez, menegaskan petisi tersebut tidak bisa diterima dikarenakan mandat komite C24 hanya untuk menangani 17 negara yang diidentifikasi PBB sebagai teritori non-pemerintahan sendiri.

XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX West Papua Army (WPA) Pada 1 Juli 2019, West Papua Army adalah tentara di bawah komando organisasi payung United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP), yang dipimpin Benny Wenda. Selama ini, kelompok ULMWP menempuh cara-cara politik dan diplomatik untuk mencapai kemerdekaan Papua, namun memutuskan membuat tentara sendiri. Benny Wenda mengklaim bahwa ULMWP menaungi tiga kelompok kemerdekaan yang termasuk OPM, Tentara Pembebasan Nasional Papua Barat (TPNPB), dan Tentara Tentara Revolusi Papua Barat (TRWP) dengan tujuan untuk membentuk kemerdekaan Papua Barat. Tetapi, klaim ini dibantah oleh juru bicara TNPB, Sebby Sambom, yang menjelaskan bahwa itu adalah klaim sepihak dan Sebby menduga klaim tersebut dipakai untuk mendapatkan legitimasi untuk berdiplomasi di tingkat internasional. Aksi Benny memancing kemarahan TPNPB, sayap militer OPM yang selama ini menyebar teror di Tanah Papua. Sebby Sambom menyebut ini sebagai strategi Benny untuk mengendalikan OPM-TPNPB.

IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII Penggabungan kelompok bersenjata yang ada di Papua, juga ditolak mentah-mentah oleh juru bicara OPM, Jeffery Bomanak. Jeffrey menilai selama ini gerakan kelompok ULMWP, yang dipimpin Benny Wenda, dianggap sebagai penipu serta tidak menyuarakan keseluruhan aspirasi rakyat Papua Barat yang menginginkan referendum dari Indonesia. Komite Nasional Papua Barat (KNPB), Kelompok Revolusioner Pemicu Demonstrasi di Papua

Komite Nasional Papua Barat (KNPB) yang berdiri sejak tahun 2008 bermula dari gerakan mahasiswa dan mantan mahasiswa yang sebagian besar berpendidikan universitas yang mengadopsi ideologi sayap kiri militan dan melihat diri mereka sebagai revolusioner, dengan strategi utama mereka untuk melobi referendum kemerdekaan melalui penyusunan demonstrasi secara terus-menerus di kota-kota Papua. Sebagai bagian dari gerakan radikal politik, KPNB memerangi pemerintahan Indonesia dan tambang Freeport di area Timika, Papua. Dua konsekuensi utama terhadap peningkatan militansi KNPB adalah pergerakan mereka yang mendekatkan domisili mereka dengan OPM serta persepsi mereka bahwa harapan satu-satunya untuk mencapai referendum adalah dengan cara menunjukkan kepada dunia tentang krisis Papua. Dikutip dari CNN Indonesia, pihak kepolisian Indonesia menyatakan bahwa ULMWP dan KNPB mengorkestrasikan kerusuhan yang menjatuhkan 33 korban jiwa di Wamena di Papua pada 23 September 2019. Menurut Menteri Koordinator Bidang Politik, Hukum, dan Keamanan Indonesia Wiranto, KKB menyerang masyarakat Wamena melalui instruksi langsung dari Benny Wenda di kerusuhan yang dipicu berita hoaks tentang rasisme tersebut. KNPB selama ini menyebut diri mereka sebagai gerakan damai, tetapi dapat terlihat dari korban jiwa yang berjatuhan bahwa pergerakan politik mereka mendukung tindakan kekerasan.

KNPB juga berebut panggung internasional dengan ULMWP. Dalam sebuah wawancara dengan radionz, Victor Yeimo Juru Bicara dari Komite Nasional Papua Barat (KNPB) mengomentari ketua ULMWP, Benny Wenda yang haus kekuasaan. Victor menyatakan bahwa ULMWP bertindak seolah-olah perwakilan sebuah negara. Menurutnya, separatis Papua memiliki banyak faksi politik dan sejarah yang panjang. Tak hanya itu, saat ULMWP biasanya memegang diplomasi internasional, Victor Yeimo justru maju dan bicara di sesi Dewan HAM PBB pada 13 Maret 2019 di Jenewa. Sebagai respon, ULWMP membalas dengan menyebut KNPB sebagai anak kecil yang baru merasakan pergi ke luar negeri. 2 DOKU

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BERITA JUBI PASIFIK https://en.jubi.id/category/pasific-news/ Home Pasific News Pasific News Pacific Islands Forum raises concerns for human rights condition in West Papua in UN session

News Desk 1 March 2021 Secretary General of Pacific Islands Forum, Meg Taylor, addresses a high-level meeting at the UN Human Rights Council to speak about Covid-19, climate change, and alleged human rights violations in West Papua. West Papua No. 1 News Portal | Jubi Jakarta, Jubi – Pacific Islands Forum, an intergovernmental organization consisting of 18 members, delivered a statement in a high-level meeting at the Human Rights Council of the United Nations on Feb. 24, highlighting three concerns: Covid-19, climate change, and human rights conditions in West Papua. “The Pacific Islands Forum brings together 18 Member states to protect the people, place, and prospects of our Blue Pacific Continent. My statement today will highlight three Forum Leaders’ priorities – Covid-19 response and recovery; the climate change crisis; and human rights in West Papua (Papua),” said Meg Taylor, the Secretary General of the Pacific Islands Forum. Read also: ‘Important’ for UN to visit West Papua in light of human rights issue: Dutch minister She addressed the high level meeting, saying that the violent conflict and subsequent human rights violations in West Papua has been a concern for the Pacific Island Forum Leaders for over 20 years. “In 2016, it became a standing agenda item for Forum Leaders,” she said. “Pacific Island Forum Leaders’ focus on West Papua has been squarely on human rights – calling on all parties to protect and uphold the human rights of all residents, and to work to address the root causes of the conflict by peaceful means,” she went on. Taylor said the escalation of tension in the recent years “has deepened the collective concerns of the Leaders of the Pacific.” She said the leaders welcomed Indonesian government’s invitation for a mission to West Papua by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and they encouraged an “evidence-based report” on the situation in West Papua to be provided before their next meeting. “We call on distinguished Council Members to encourage all relevant parties to urgently facilitate a mission to West Papua by the High Commissioner for Human Rights,” Taylor said. Founded in 1971, the Forum comprises 18 members: Australia, Cook Islands, Federated States of Micronesia, Fiji, French Polynesia, Kiribati, Nauru, New Caledonia, New Zealand, Niue, Palau, Papua New Guinea, Republic of Marshall Islands, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Tonga, Tuvalu, and Vanuatu. In January, the Dutch government had said they deemed it “important” for the UN High Commissioner of Human Rights to visit West Papua. “The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has not yet visited Papua, partly because a visit has become temporarily virtually impossible due to the corona crisis. She does have a standing invitation to visit Indonesia. The Dutch Permanent Representation to the UN discussed this with the cabinet of the High Commissioner for Human Rights on Dec. 3. The Netherlands has indicated that it considers a visit by the High Commissioner for Human Rights to Papua important. The Netherlands will again indicate to the Indonesian authorities at the next opportunity that it is important that such a visit takes place as soon as possible,” Blok wrote in the document. On Nov. 4, 2020, Nigel Adams, UK government Minister for Asia at the Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office (FCDO) who is also a member of parliament from Conservative Party, answered a question from a member of parliament about West Papua. Adams’s answer was: “The UK supports a visit by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (ONHCR) to Papua. Officials from the British Embassy have discussed the proposed visit with the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and continue to encourage the Indonesian Government to agree dates as soon as possible.” Earlier in September 2019, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet said her office was “disturbed” by escalating violence in Papua and West Papua in the past two weeks, especially the deaths of some protestors and security forces. Human Rights Pacific Islands FOrum UN High Commissioner for Human Rights West Papua IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII Home Pasific News Pasific News “I am West Papua. I am Papuan” : Anglican Archbishop of Oceania joint statement News Desk 8 March 2017

Archbishop of Oceania – Supplied Jayapura, Jubi – The Anglican Archbishop of Oceania, who have been meeting in Australia, have warned of the threat to their region from climate change. In a joint statement, the five Archbishop said : “We agreed that as whole nations of ocean people lose their island homes, climate justice advocacy and action must become the most urgent priority for Oceanic Anglicans.” Archbishop Philip Freier, of Australia, Archbishop Clyde Igara, of Papua New Guinea, Archbishop Winston Halapua, and Archbishop Philip Richardson of Aotearoa, New Zealand and Polynesia, and Archbishop George Takeli of Melanesia met in Tweed Heads, in New South Wales. They noted that they were four Provinces covering many nations, more than 1000 languages, with rich and diverse cultures. They said they were united through the interweaving of history and long friendships, but were coming together against a backdrop of disharmony: “We gather at a time when the rhetoric of nationalism, ridicule, fear-mongering, and hatred is so prevalent. In such a climate where “me first” or “we first” dominates, we affirm: “we together.” They said they had heard “harrowing” stories of human rights violations in West Papua: “which were poignantly focussed for us by Archbishop Clyde Igara, who said: “I am West Papua. I am Papuan” – such is the arbitrariness of national boundaries and the historical circumstances that have defined them.” The primates said they would be judged by their failure to support their weakest part: “We celebrate that what the world views as weak is in fact strength, what the world views as folly, is indeed wisdom. We rejoice at the fruits of the Spirit we see in each other, and we give thanks for the faithfulness of our forebears who sowed the seeds of the Gospel in our lands.” They also addressed the challenges of seasonal workers and labour mobility across their Provinces and “how we could respond both pastorally and politically;” they also considered the way “our growing relationships with the Anglican Provinces across Asia could be deepened and looked forward to the meeting of the Primates of the Anglican Communion in October 2017.” (*) Anglican News archbishop West Papua IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII Home Pasific News Pasific News Indonesia and Vanuatu: Too different for a real partnership? News Desk 27 September 2016

Nadjib Riphat Kesoema, Ambassador of Indonesia – abc.com.au to Vanuatu Dear Editor, While Vanuatu is an island nation and Indonesia is an archipelagic country, the differences seem to be too great for a real partnership to work between the two countries. The difference in size is striking. From its westernmost part in Aceh to its easternmost part in Merauke, Papua, Indonesia stretches as wide as from Port Vila to Honolulu, Hawaii. For every person in Vanuatu, there are one thousand persons in Indonesia. Whereas Vanuatu’s population is primarily Melanesians, Indonesians are a mix of ethnicities: Javanese, Sumatrans, Malays, Melanesians, Chinese and so on. Differences could be unsettling. In both personal relations as well as international relations for instance, the world can be split into two. Those in the minority that delves in and are paralyzed by the smallest of differences and the rest who respect differences but keep on chipping at them to bring the relations closer together. The second group realizes that the reward of working together, of having a strong partnership far outweigh the short-term gains of resentment. There are a number of important similarities that Indonesia and Vanuatu can use to build our relationship on. Indonesia sits on the Pacific ring of fire making it prone to volcanic eruptions, earthquakes, tsunamis and other natural disasters. Likewise, Vanuatu is prone to tropical cyclones, volcanic eruptions and tsunamis. Both Indonesia and Vanuatu have many small islands that are vulnerable to changes in the climate. Another parallel is that since early in their modern history, leaders of both countries understood that a secure and stable region is a condition for sustained economic growth and prosperity. Leaders understood that a secure and stable region depends on good international relations. Good international relations in turn depends on mutual respect of national sovereignty and territorial integrity. It is thus no coincidence that Indonesia and Vanuatu engages their respective immediate regions actively. Both capitals are respectively homes to the secretariat of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG), in Port Vila and the secretariat of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Jakarta. It is no accident moreover that both countries share many national and regional goals. Both countries aim for sustainable economic growth and development, better governance, a secure and stable region as well as a more prosperous population. The people of Vanuatu celebrated her 36th anniversary on 30 July. On behalf of the eleven million Melanesians living in Indonesia and all the citizens of Indonesia, let me again extend my warmest congratulations to the people and government of Vanuatu. Indonesia too, is celebrating. On last 17th of August, Indonesia commemorated our 71st anniversary. Anniversaries are usually a period for reflection. As both fellow vibrant democracies look into the future, in the next 15 years to 2030, Vanuatu, Indonesia and the region will not be quite the same. The combined region of Southeast Asia and MSG would be a formidable economic and cultural zone. With current annual growth, by the 2030s, Indonesia will be among the top ten biggest economies in the world. As member countries continue to focus on providing solutions to current financial and institutional challenges facing the MSG, by 2030 the region will be more economically integrated and dynamic. In the decades ahead, Vanuatu will perhaps have a larger tourism and services sector as well as agriculture and livestock farming complementing her more traditional export commodities of copra, coconuts, cocoa, fish and wood processing. Indonesia’s trade with and investment in Vanuatu is still relatively small, indicating a good growth potential. Indonesia’s 60-million strong middle and consuming-class is very much looking forward to establishing closer trade, investment and development links with Vanuatu and all the countries of the MSG. A stronger Indonesia-Vanuatu partnership that centers on those national priorities will expand trade and investment and ultimately bring more jobs and income. Thus it is important for us to concentrate the partnership on developing the tourism and agriculture sectors, boosting programs on climate change, preparing the most vulnerable communities for adaptation and mitigation. It is also important to work together on programs of disaster preparedness and disaster risk management. The US$2 million in humanitarian aid dispatched by the Indonesian government to Vanuatu in the aftermath of Cyclone Pam and the many programs of technical cooperation delivered to Vanuatu over the years are good examples of such partnership. Indonesia is a member of a number of regional trading arrangements including within ASEAN as well intra-regionally such as ASEAN-China and ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand. Indonesia is also a member of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) and the G20. In our experience, we found that expanding our international markets and partnerships creates more jobs, affordable products and services and boost competitiveness. The eastern part of Indonesia, home to five Melanesian provinces of East Nusa Tenggara, Maluku, North Maluku, Papua and West Papua is Asia’s natural entrance to the Pacific. Conversely, Indonesia is welcoming Vanuatu and MSG countries into the rewarding markets of Indonesia, Southeast Asia and beyond through this eastern region gateway. When we concentrate on issues that bring us closer while working to resolve differences, I am confident that in the future, the leaders of both countries will be remembered as those who brought stability, security, justice and prosperity to the nation and the region. Nadjib Riphat Kesoema Ambassador of Indonesia to Vanuatu Indonesia Vanuatu West Papua IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII Home Headlines Headlines, National & International, Pasific News, Women and children Pacific Forum countries urged to follow up on West Papua News Desk 4 July 2019

Rosa Moiwend, West Papuan reearcher and human rights defender.Rosa Moiwend, West Papuan reearcher and human rights defender. Photo: RNZ / Johnny Blades Papua, Jubi – A West Papuan human rights defender has called for more Pacific islands countries to speak up internationally about human rights abuses in her homeland. Rosa Moiwend, who has been visiting New Zealand this week, said it was important that Pacific Islands Forum countries advanced this issue to reflect widespread, grassroots concern for West Papua in the region. At the 2015 Pacific Forum summit, leaders agreed to push for a fact-finding mission to Papua. Indonesia is yet to allow such a mission to visit, but Ms Moiwend said forum members must follow this up. “Because otherwise it’s just lip service from the forum,” she said. “Members of the Pacific Islands Forum are also UN members, so we need more and more Pacific Island countries to speak about the human rights situation in West Papua.” According to Ms Moiwend, while several small Pacific countries have raised Papua at the UN, bigger countries such as Australia and New Zealand should support them. Development Indonesian president Joko Widodo’s infrastructure development drive in Papua is proving traumatic for remote indigenous communities, Ms Moiwend said. Its centre-piece is the Trans-Papua Road project which is being built through some of Papua’s most remote terrain. The project is also at the heart of heightened conflict in Papua’s Highlands since the West Papua Liberation Army massacred at least 16 road construction workers last December. While conceding that opening up access to Papua through the project had its benefits, Ms Moiwend said it also brought outsiders and development that local Papuans were not prepared for. “It will also open a space for more and more military and police posts along the road, because of the security reason that they will say. “And it’s actually threatened people’s lives because for West Papuans people are traumatic with the presence of the military.” Ms Moiwend’s family are customary landowners in Merauke in Papua’s south where rapid oil palm and agri-business development is underway. “Customary land is actually affected by these big projects – food project and oil palm plantation,” Ms Moiwend explained, adding that indigenous communities had little say in the development “I think government needs to discuss with the people. You can’t just come and (start) plotting the land and then invite the investor to come and invest their money because people rely on our land. “The land is the source of our food. So if they want to replace with something else, then how can they provide food for our people?” (*) IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII Home Headlines Headlines, National & International, Pasific News Port Moresby evicts West Papuan refugees from city settlement

News Desk 3 July 2019 The Rainbow settlement in Port Moresby… home to West Papuan refugees for 11 years. – Image: Post-Courier Papua, Jubi – About 250 West Papuans have been served notices of eviction to leave their settlement in Port Moresby, reports The National. National Capital District Commission officials, escorted by police officers, handed the settlers demolition orders last Thursday and told them to leave their home in the suburb of Rainbow where they had lived for 11 years. Communal leader Elly Wangai said that some of them were now PNG citizens after former Prime Minister Peter O’Neill allowed them to gain citizenship without paying the K10,000 application fee. “But unlike other PNG citizens, we don’t have any land to go to. When we were given citizenship, the government did not give us land to settle. And this is the fifth time we have been evicted since 2007. “We were first evicted from 8-Mile settlement and we settled outside the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) Office at Ela Beach. “Then we moved to the Boroko Police station. Then to Apex Park at Boroko and now to here.” Wangai said they were willing to move from the settlement. ‘Drainage area’ “This is a drainage area and we know that and we will move. But we want NCDC to provide land for us. “If NCDC can evict other PNG settlements from 2-Mile and resettle them at 6-Mile, they should do the same for us.” Wangai said they had once been given land at Red Hills in the suburb of Gerehu. “But when we went there, developments were already taking place. “So we had to return here. Since we were given eviction notices, our children were traumatised and did not attend school. “Our mothers who are involved in small economical activities like selling doughnuts and ice blocks have stopped. “They are finding it hard to earn money to look after their family. If we are given land to move, we will be confident to live our daily lives.” According to ABC, Port Moresby Governor Powes Parkop was unaware of the move to serve the demolition orders or what had prompted it. A vocal supporter of the West Papua cause, Parkop said he would work to stop – or at least stall – the process to carry out the demolition orders, and fulfill his promise to find the settlers a permanent home. “I hope I can sort it out soon and get proper allocation of the land so they’ve got security and can build a future.” (*) Source: asiapacificreport.nz Source: RNZI VVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVV Home Headlines Headlines, West Papua Police who shot protesters must be punished: LBH Papua Police Brutality - News Desk 17 June 2022

Participants in the free pulpit action commemorating the 10th anniversary of the murder of Mako Tabuni which took place in Jayapura City on Tuesday (14/6/2022) put up posters calling for the fight against forgetting about the Mako Tabuni murder case that occurred on June 14, 2012. - Doc. LBH Papua Jayapura, Jubi – The Papua Legal Aid Institute (LBH Papua) has asked the Jayapura City Police to punish their members who fired rubber bullets to disperse the rally commemorating the death of West Papua National Committee (KNPB) leader Mako Tabuni on Tuesday, June 14, 2022. Director of LBH Papua Emanuel Gobay said at least four rally participants were allegedly injured by rubber bullets, namely Aris Nepsan, Jon Kadepa, Benediktus Tebai, and Natan Pigai. They were injured on the forehead, head, hands, and buttocks respectively. Gobay said the use of rubber bullets to disperse demonstrations indicated a violation of Emergency Law No. 12/1951, which regulates the use of firearms. Gobay urged the police to legally process any personnel who fired rubber bullets at protesters. “Law enforcement [against police brutality] has to be done instead of arresting the masses who exercise their democratic rights,” said Gobay in Jayapura City on Wednesday, June 15, 2022. He emphasized that the commemoration of Mako Tabuni’s death took place peacefully. The participants did not block the road. The police, however, repressively dispersed the mass. National Police Chief Regulation No. 16/2006 on Guidelines for Crowd Control has indeed regulated procedures for controlling protests. However, on the ground, the police in Papua often disperse demonstrations by making arrests, beatings, or even opening fire. Gobay said that the police’s repressive way to disperse the mass would only add to the list of violence experienced by Papuans. In the past year, there have been at least 10 demonstrations that were disbanded by the police. “Why does violence keep occurring? What has been done by the National Police Chief, the Papua Police Chief, and the Jayapura City Police Chief to address this matter and educate police officers in Papua?” said Gobay. (*) Civilian Victim KNPB LBH Papua police brutality Protesters Shooting Writer: News DeskEditor: News Desk VVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVV Home Headlines Headlines, West Papua Why doesn’t Indonesia want a dialogue with Papuans, Benny Giay asks Papua Peaceful Dialogue - News Desk 20 May 2022

Dr Benny Giay when he was a resource person in a public discussion "Imagination of Papuans as a Nation (Melanesians)" was held by the Regional Research Center of the Indonesian Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN), on Thursday (19/05/2022). Dock. BRIN discussion zoom screenshot Jayapura, Jubi – Papuan respected figure, theologian and activist Benny Giay throws the question of why the Indonesian government has not wanted to engage in a dialogue with Papuans. Instead, the government always chooses a security approach by sending troops and police to the Land of Papua. Benny Giay conveyed this in a public discussion “Imagination of Papuans as a Nation (Melanesians)” held online by the Regional Research Center of the Indonesian Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN) on Thursday, May 19, 2022. Giay emphasized that dialogue was important for the safety of the Papuan people. The Indonesian government must solve the problems in Papua like solving the problems that occurred in Aceh. Not by sending security forces. “In the past, then vice president Jusuf Kalla went all-out in a dialogue with Free Aceh Movement [GAM] which was mediated by a neutral state,” he said. Giay regretted that during President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s 13 visits to Papua, the government was not serious about dialogue with Papuans. Even with Jokowi’s visits after visits, the Papuan people continue to suffer more and more on their land. “Should Papuans embrace Islam or become like Indonesians first then the Indonesian government wants to have a dialogue with Papuans?” Giay asked ironically. If so, he said, it only showed racism from the Indonesian government towards Papuans. “They [Indonesian government] could negotiate with GAM but not with Papuans? Why?” Giay wondered. Giay said sending security forces would not solve the problems in Papua. It will only make the Papuan people suffer even more and lead to their extinction. In a report titled “The Hunt for Gold: Wabu Block Mining Plans Risk Aggravating Human Rights Violations in Papua”, Amnesty International Indonesia has documented an alarming increase in security forces in Papua since 2019, from only two military posts to 17 military posts. Amnesty also noted that there were at least 12 cases of unlawful killings involving security forces, increasing restrictions on freedom of movement, as well as beatings and arrests that were often experienced by local Papuan people. Previously, Chairman of the Papuan Customary Council Mananwir Yan Pieter Yarangga said that the central government must have the courage to conduct peaceful dialogue with Papuans. Peaceful dialogue is important to resolve all the problems experienced by Indigenous Papuans. Yarangga said that the root of Papua’s problems could only be solved by peaceful dialogue involving all stakeholders and witnessed by all Indigenous Papuans living in Papua, Indonesia, or abroad. (*) VVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVV Home Headlines Headlines, West Papua Does Indonesia have a healthy free press? Not according to West Papua Papuan Journalists Face Routine Threats Abuse And Censorship - News Desk 10 May 2022

A journalist working in West Papua in front of the Morning Star Flag — an international sign of the Free Papua Movement. Used via Wikipedia Commons license (CC BY-SA 3.0) For nearly 60 years, West Papua, a region in the easternmost stretches of the Indonesian arhipelago, has been engaged in one of the longest-running independence struggles of any region in the world against occupying Indonesia. Despite the longevity of the independence campaign, it has often escaped the notice of international outlets and Western audiences. This is in part because of the Jakarta government’s concerted — and largely successful – efforts to censor and control narratives from West Papua.

West Papua Image via Global Voices The island of New Guinea is divided into the independent state of Papua New Guinea on the eastern half and Indonesian-controlled Papua on the western side. Indonesia-controlled Papua has been further divided by the Indonesian government into Papua and West Papua. These are the provinces that have been fighting for independence for the last 60 years. Jakarta is considering further dividing the region into smaller provinces — against the wishes of scholars and indigenous communities in the region, who believe the move will decrease transparency and increase corruption in the region. Papua has been occupied by Indonesia since 1962 after the Indonesian military invaded and annexed the province, despite assurances by the former colonial Dutch government of sovereignty for the Papuan nation. Since then, Papuans have faced decades of brutal oppression punctuated by massacres, torture, censorship, and conflict between the Indonesian army and West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) that has left civilians as collateral. Some estimates suggest that over 500,000 Papuans have been killed by Indonesian military forces — though these are somewhat outdated estimates and the real toll is likely much higher. In addition to its alleged human rights abuses, Indonesia has an abysmal record regarding press freedom in Papua. Activists and media workers in the region are routinely silenced through censorship, internet throttling, physical attacks, torture, and even death. According to some international reports, since current President Joko (Jokowi) Widodo became president in 2014, this persecution has gotten worse. Harassment, violence, and threats Local journalists in particular face intense harassment and scrutiny from the Indonesian government. Journalists have been jailed, beaten, doxxed, and targetted for speaking out about the vast human rights violations in West Papua. According to a 2021 Alliance of Independent Journalists Indonesia (Aliansi Jurnalis Independen – AJI) report, there have been 114 cases of violence against Papuan journalists in the past 20 years. Human Rights Watch (HRW) detailed these instances it’s its 2015 report entitled “Something to hide?” The report revealed Papuan journalists routinely receive anonymous threats via text and voicemail, which they believe to be from Indonesian security forces. One local reporter told HRW: ” I cannot count how many SMS, email, or social media [threats] that I have received. The accusations are always that I am a foreign agent. The threat is often to kill me, or to attack my office. Or burn my office. That’s why I often change my cell phone numbers. I have lost count of how many times. Maybe 300 times? I always think [the harassers] want to disturb me mentally. I always delete their threats. I don’t want to be influenced by them. Other journalists, such as Duma Tato Sando, the managing editor at Chaya Papua, a daily newspaper in Manokwari, Papua told the group he is often pressured by security forces to not publish stories that mention human rights abuses. He said: ” For me, covering human rights abuses in Papua is not easy. In Manokwari, usually an intelligence officer will call and ask that the news story be “pending.” They like to say, “please do not publish it.” Sometimes they even ask me for background information, such as places, names, and times [of incidents of human rights abuses] because they do not know that their own men did the beating or the shooting. I have too many cases [of such harassment] to recall one-by-one. In another case just over one year ago, in April 2021, West Papuan journalist Victor Mambor’s car was vandalized in a clear act of targeted intimidation. At the time, the AJI said “these acts of terror and intimidation are clearly forms of violence against journalists, and threaten press freedom in Papua and more broadly in Indonesia.” Mambor is the founder of the Tabloid Jubi media outlet. He and his staff have faced numerous instances of harassment over the years, including physical, psychological, and digital attacks. The situation is even more dire for women who choose to pursue journalism in Papua, like in the case of Elfira last February, who received a rape threat in Jayapura District Court while reporting on court proceedings. Foreign media, NGOs, and humanitarian agencies have been largely denied access to West Papua, which has created challenges in holding the Indonesian government and security forces accountable. The Jakarta government has tightly controlled the flow of information from the region. And even when foreign watchdogs or media are able to enter the region, they can seldom do so without a government escort, and are liable to face deportation if they upset authorities. Some international journalists have managed to make unofficial visits to the region that were not pre-approved by the Indonesian government. Rohan Radheya, a Dutch freelance journalist interviewed by HRW said during his unofficial visits to Papua, he saw a pattern of daily “threats and intimidation” against Papuan journalists, adding, “They were good journalists, they have a good network, and some of the [Papuan journalists] I met, they have bullet holes, they have been stabbed by [Indonesian security] forces, and they continue to wake up in the morning and just go about and do their jobs.” To help combat this oppression, AJI’s Papua chapter launched Papua legal aid in December 2021, noting, “The number of cases of violence against journalists in Papua has made the results of the Press Independence Index assessment by the Press Council for the last 4 years place Papua as the region with the worst press freedom conditions in Indonesia.” The group aims to provide legal assistance to journalists in Papua who are victims of violence and intimidation. West Papuan censorship The information block in West Papua has drawn international condemnation and tarnished Indonesia’s reputation on the international stage.

The censorship is especially blatant during times of conflict or strife. Actors in the West Papuan Independence movement have occasionally succeeded in drawing national attention to their campaign, which often consists of acts of civil disobedience and protest. In 2019 tensions came to a head after a racist incident against Papuan students in Surabaya by Indonesian military forces. In response, protests broke out in Papua, which police forces violently stamped out, killing 10 Papuan citizens in the process. This act of violence sparked widespread protests across the archipelago nation. During this period, the Indonesian government throttled network connections in West Papua to stop information from flowing outward, which Jokowi said was for the “common good.” While Papuan media outlets struggled to share their stories during this time, reports emerged of human rights violations, oppression, military violence against civilians, and more. Indonesia’s free press landscape Even outside the press abuses in Papua, Indonesia’s media faces a challenging landscape. While Jokowi ran a presidential campaign promising to bolster Indoenisa’s free press, he has resoundingly failed on these promises since being elected in 2014. In 2020, Jakarta passed the Law on “Informasi dan Transaksi Elektronik” (Electronic and Information Transactions Law), which made it legal for the government to throttle internet services and arrest journalists for disrupting the peace and publishing “prohibited content.” The controversial law has drawn criticism from activists and human rights groups as many call it a major backstep for the largest democracy in the region. Human rights watchdog Protection International said, “the ITE Law is actively used to silence criticism and obstruct the work of human rights defenders,” noting that there was a sharp increase of attacks against human rights defenders in 2019 and 2020. The situation has only deteriorated as public attention was focused on the COVID-19 pandemic. According to RSF reporting, journalists are banned from publishing not only “false information related to the coronavirus but also any information hostile to the president or government even if it is unrelated to the pandemic.” According to Reporter’s Without Borders 2022 World Press Freedom Index, Indonesia ranked 117 out of 180 countries. BERITA JUBI PASIFIUK

ASAL USSUL NAMA PAPUA

NAMA PAPUA PARAN SALAWAKU PISAHYA PNG DAN WPNG PAPUA GABUNG NKRI PEMBEBASAN IRIAN BARAT DARI TANGAN BELANDA Integrasi Papua Ke Dalam Republik Indonesia KNAPA PAPUA MAU MERDEKA NAMA PAPUA

NEW YORK AGREEMAN 1960AN

NEW YORK AGREEMAN

NEW YORK AGREEMAN OPERASI TRIKORA DDIPOMASI RI PENYESAHAN THE TRANSFER PERALIHAN PELANGGARAN HAM PAPUA MEGGUGAT TIDAK SAH • Peacemaking Mandate • Peace Agreements • Mediation Support Unit • Gender • Mediation Resources • Mediation Networks ← Back to Search Results Document Retrieval Agreement between the Republic of Indonesia and the Kingdom of the Netherlands Concerning West New Guinea (New York Agreement) Summary: The agreement calls for the transfer of authority for the territory from the Netherlands to Indonesia. The document also includes a guarantee that the Papuan people would be allowed an ‘Act of Free Choice’ (referendum) to determine their political status. It provides for a UN Transitional Administration in West New Guinea (West Irian) for the transfer of authority from Netherlands to Indonesia and the conduct of the act of free choice. Download (Select Language): English: ID NL_620815_AgreementConcerningWestNewGuinea.pdf Français: ID NL_620815_AgreementConcerningWestNewGuinea(fr).pdf Date: 15/08/1962 Country / Entity: Indonesia Netherlands iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii No. 6311 INDONESIA and NETHERLANDS Agreement (with annex) concerning West New Guinea (West Irian). Signed at the Headquarters of the United Nations, New York, on 15 August 1962 Official text: English. Registered on 21 September 1962 by the Secretariat acting on behalf of the Con tracting Parties pursuant to paragraph 2 of article XXVIII of the Agreement. INDONÉSIE et PAYS-BAS Accord (avec annexe) concernant la Nouvelle-Guinée occi dentale (Irian occidental). Signé au Siège de l'Organisa tion des Nations Unies, à New York, le 15 août 1962 Texte officiel anglais. Enregistr le 21 septembre 1962 par le Secr tariat agissant au nom des Parties contractantes conform ment au paragraphe 2 de l'article XXVIII de l'Accord. 274 United Nations — Treaty Series 1962 No. 6311. AGREEMENT1 BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA AND THE KINGDOM OF THE NETHER LANDS CONCERNING WEST NEW GUINEA (WEST IRIAN). SIGNED AT THE HEADQUARTERS OF THE UNITED NATIONS, NEW YORK, ON 15 AUGUST 1962 The Republic of Indonesia and the Kingdom of the Netherlands, Having in mind the interests and welfare of the people of the territory of West New Guinea (West Irian) hereinafter referred to as " the territory ", Desirous of settling their dispute regarding the territory, Now, therefore, agree as follows : RATIFICATION OF AGREEMENT AND RESOLUTION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE UNITED NATIONS Article I After the present Agreement between Indonesia and the Netherlands has been signed and ratified by both Contracting Parties, Indonesia and the Nether lands will jointly sponsor a draft resolution in the United Nations under the terms of which the General Assembly of the United Nations takes note of the present Agreement, acknowledges the role conferred upon the Secretary-General of the United Nations therein, and authorizes him to carry out the tasks entrusted to him therein. TRANSFER OF ADMINISTRATION Article II After the adoption of the resolution referred to in article I, the Netherlands will transfer administration of the territory to a United Nations Temporary Executive Authority (UNTEA) established by and under the jurisdiction of the Secretary-General upon the arrival of the United Nations Administrator appointed in accordance with article IV. The UNTEA will in turn transfer the administration to Indonesia in accordance with article XII. 1 In accordance with article XXVIII, the Agreement came into force on 21 September 1962, the date of the adoption by the General Assembly of the resolution envisaged in article I of the Agree ment (A/RES/1752 (XVII) ). The instruments of ratification were exchanged on 20 September 1962 at the Headquarters of the United Nations, in accordance with article XXVII. 276 United Nations — Treaty Series 1962 UNITED NATIONS ADMINISTRATION Article III In order to facilitate the transfer of administration to the UNTEA after the adoption of the resolution by the General Assembly, the Netherlands will invite the Secretary-General to send a representative to consult briefly with the Netherlands Governor of the territory prior to the latter's departure. The Netherlands Governor will depart prior to the arrival of the United Nations Administrator. Article IV A United Nations Administrator, acceptable to Indonesia and the Nether lands, will be appointed by the Secretary-General. Article V The United Nations Administrator, as chief executive officer of the UNTEA, will have full authority under the direction of the Secretary-General to administer the territory for the period of the UNTEA administration in accordance with the terms of the present Agreement. Article VI 1. The United Nations flag will be flown during the period of United Nations administration. 2. With regard to the flying of the Indonesian and Netherlands flags, it is agreed that this matter will be determined by agreement between the Secretary- General and the respective Governments. Article VII The Secretary-General will provide the UNTEA with such security forces as the United Nations Administrator deems necessary ; such forces will primarily supplement existing Papuan (West Irianese) police in the task of maintaining law and order. The Papuan Volunteer Corps, which on the arrival of the United Nations Administrator will cease being part of the Netherlands armed forces, and the Indonesian armed forces in the territory will be under the authority of, and at the disposal of, the Secretary-General for the same purpose. The United Nations Administrator will, to the extent feasible, use the Papuan (West Irianese) police as a United Nations security force to maintain law and order and, at his discretion, use Indonesian armed forces. The Netherlands armed forces will be repatriated as rapidly as possible and while still in the terri tory will be under the authority of the UNTEA. No- 6311 278 United Nations Treaty Series 1962 Article VIII The United Nations Administrator will send periodic reports to the Se cretary-General on the principal aspects of the implementation of the present Agreement. The Secretary-General will submit full reports to Indonesia and the Netherlands and may submit, at his discretion, reports to the General Aseembly or to all United Nations Members. FIRST PHASE OF THE UNTEA ADMINISTRATION Article IX The United Nations Administrator will replace as rapidly as possible top Netherlands officials as defined in annex A1 with non-Netherlands, non-In donesian officials during the first phase of the UNTEA administration which will be completed on 1 May 1963. The United Nations Administrator will be authorized to employ on a temporary basis all Netherlands officials other than top Netherlands officials defined in annex A, who wish to serve the UNTEA, in accordance with such terms and conditions as the Secretary-General may specify. As many Papuans (West Irianese) as possible will be brought into administrative and technical positions. To fill the remaining required posts, the UNTEA will have authority to employ personnel provided by Indonesia. Salary rates prevailing in the territory will be maintained. Article X Immediately after the transfer of administration to the UNTEA, the UNTEA will widely publicize and explain the terms of the present Agreement, and will inform the population concerning the transfer of administration to Indonesia and the provisions for the act of self-determination as set out in the present Agreement. Article XI To the extent that they are consistent with the letter and spirit of the present Agreement, existing laws and regulations will remain in effect. The UNTEA will have power to promulgate new laws and regulations or amend them within the spirit and framework of the present Agreement. The rep resentative councils will be consulted prior to the issuance of new laws and regulations or the amendment of existing laws. 1 See p. 288 of this volume. N0. 6311 280_________United Nations Treaty Series ____1962 SECOND PHASE Article XII The United Nations Administrator will have discretion to transfer all or part of the administration to Indonesia at any time after the first phase of the UNTEA administration. The UNTEA's authority will cease at the moment of transfer of full administrative control to Indonesia. Article XIII United Nations security forces will be replaced by Indonesian security forces after the first phase of the UNTEA administration. All United Nations security forces will be withdrawn upon the transfer of administration to Indo nesia. INDONESIAN ADMINISTRATION AND SELF-DETERMINATION Article XIV After the transfer of full administrative responsibility to Indonesia, Indo nesian national laws and regulations will in principle be applicable in the terri tory, it being understood that they be consistent with the rights and freedoms guaranteed to the inhabitants under the terms of the present Agreement. New laws and regulations or amendments to the existing ones can be enacted within the spirit of the present Agreement. The representative councils will be con sulted as appropriate. Article XV After the transfer of full administrative responsibility to Indonesia, the primary task of Indonesia will be further intensification of the education of the people, of the combating of illiteracy, and of the advancement of their social, cultural and economic development. Efforts also will be made in accordance with present Indonesian practice to accelerate the participation of the people in local government through periodic elections. Any aspects relating to the act of free choice will be governed by the terms of this Agreement. Article XVI At the time of the transfer of full administrative responsibility to Indonesia a number of United Nations experts, as deemed adequate by the Secretary- General after consultation with Indonesia, will be designated to remain wherever their duties require their presence. Their duties will, prior to the arrival of the United Nations Representative, who will participate at the appropriate time in the arrangements for self-determination, be limited to advising on and assisting in preparations for carrying out the provisions for self-determination No. 6311 282 United Nations Treaty Series 1962 except in so far as Indonesia and the Secretary-General may agree upon their performing other expert functions. They will be responsible to the Secretary- General for the carrying out of their duties. Article XVII Indonesia will invite the Secretary-General to appoint a Representative who, together with a staff made up, inter alia, of experts referred to in article XVI, will carry out the Secretary-General's responsibilities to advise, assist and participate in arrangements which are the responsibility of Indonesia for the act of free choice. The Secretary-General will, at the proper time, appoint the United Nations Representative in order that he and his staff may assume their duties in the territory one year prior to the date of self-determination. Such additional staff as the United Nations Representative might feel necessary will be determined by the Secretary-General after consultations with Indonesia. The United Nations Representative and his staff will have the same freedom of movement as provided for the personnel referred to in article XVI. Article XVIII Indonesia will make arrangements, with the assistance and participation of the United Nations Representative and his staff, to give the people of the terri tory the opportunity to exercise freedom of choice. Such arrangements will include : (a) Consultations (Musjawarah) with the representative councils on pro cedures and appropriate methods to be followed for ascertaining the freely expressed will of the population. (b) The determination of the actual date of the exercise of free choice within the period established by the present Agreement. (c) Formulation of the questions in such a way as to permit the inhabitants to decide (a) whether they wish to remain with Indonesia; or (6) whether they wish to sever their ties with Indonesia. (d) The eligibility of all adults, male and female, not foreign nationals to participate in the act of self-determination to be carried out in accordance with international practice, who are resident at the time of the signing of the present Agreement and at the time of the act of self-determination, including those residents who departed after 1945 and who return to the territory to resume residence after the termination of Netherlands administration. Article XIX The United Nations Representative will report to the Secretary-General on the arrangements arrived at for freedom of choice, No- 6311 284 United Nations — Treaty Series 1962 Article XX The act of self-determination will be completed before the end of 1969. Article XXI 1. After the exercise of the right of self-determination, Indonesia and the United Nations Representative will submit final reports to the Secretary- General who will report to the General Assembly on the conduct of the act of self-determination and the results thereof. 2. The Parties to the present Agreement will recognize and abide by the results of the act of self-determination. RIGHTS OF THE INHABITANTS Article XXII 1. The UNTEA and Indonesia will guarantee fully the rights, including the rights of free speech, freedom of movement and of assembly, of the inhabitants of the area. These rights will include the existing rights of the inhabitants of the territory at the time of the transfer of administration to the UNTEA. 2. The UNTEA will take over existing Netherlands commitments in respect of concessions and property rights. 3. After Indonesia has taken over the administration it will honour those commitments which are not inconsistent with the interests and economic development of the people of the territory. A joint Indonesian-Netherlands commission will be set up after the transfer of administration to Indonesia to study the nature of the above-mentioned concessions and property rights. 4. During the period of the UNTEA administration there will be freedom of movements for civilians of Indonesian and Netherlands nationalities to and from the territory. Article XXIII Vacancies in the representative councils caused by the departure of Nether lands nationals, or for other reasons, will be filled as appropriate consistent with existing legislation by elections, or by appointment by the UNTEA. The representative councils will be consulted prior to the appointment of new representatives. ... FINANCIAL MATTERS Article XXIV 1. Deficits in the budget of the territory during the UNTEA administra tion will be shared equally by Indonesia and the Netherlands. No. 63 li 286 United Nations — Treaty Series 1962 2. Indonesia and the Netherlands will be consulted by the Secretary- General in the preparation of the UNTEA budget and other financial matters relating to United Nations responsibilities under the present Agreement; however, the Secretary-General will have the final decision. 3. The Parties to the present Agreement will reimburse the Secretary- General for all costs incurred by the United Nations under the present Agree ment and will make available suitable funds in advance for the discharge of the Secretary-General's responsibilities. The Parties to the present Agreement will share on an equal basis the costs of such reimbursements and advances. PREVIOUS TREATIES AND AGREEMENT Article XXV The present Agreement will take precedence over any previous agreement on the territory. Previous treaties and agreements regarding the territory may therefore be terminated or adjusted as necessary to conform to the terms of the present Agreement. PRIVILEGES AND IMMUNITIES Article XXVI For the purposes of the present Agreement, Indonesia and the Netherlands will apply to United Nations property, funds, assets and officials the provisions of the Convention on the Privileges and Immunities of the United Nations.1 In particular, the United Nations Administrator, appointed pursuant to article IV, and the United Nations Representative, appointed pursuant to article XVII, will enjoy the privileges and immunities specified in section 19 of the Convention on the Privileges and Immunities of the United Nations. RATIFICATION Article XXVII 1. The present Agreement will be ratified in accordance with the consti tutional procedures of the Contracting Parties. 2. The instruments of ratification will be exchanged as soon as possible at the Headquarters of the United Nations by the accredited representatives of the Contracting Parties. 3. The Secretary-General will draw up a procès-verbal of the exchange of the instruments of ratification and will furnish a certified copy thereof to each Contracting Party. 1 See footnote 1, p. 331 of this volume. No. 6311 288 United Nations — Treaty Series 1962 ENTRY INTO FORCE Article XXVIII 1. The present Agreement will enter into force upon the date of the adop tion by the General Assembly of the resolution referred to in article I of the present Agreement. 2. Upon the entry into force of the present Agreement, the Secretary- General of the United Nations will register it in accordance with Article 102 of the Charter. AUTHENTIC TEXT Article XXIX The authentic text of the present Agreement is drawn up in the English language. Translations in the Indonesian and Netherlands languages will be exchanged between the Contracting Parties. IN WITNESS WHEREOF the undersigned plenipotentiaries, being duly auth orized for that purpose by their respective Governments, have signed the present Agreement. DONE at the Headquarters of the United Nations, New York, on this fifteenth day of August 1962, in three identical copies, of which one shall be deposited with the Secretary-General and one shall be furnished to the Govern ment of each of the Contracting Parties. For the Republic For the Kingdom of Indonesia : of the Netherlands : (Signed) SUBANDRIO (Signed) J. H. VAN ROIJEN (Signed) C. SCHURMANN ANNEX A TO THE AGREEMENT Top Netherlands officials to be replaced as rapidly as possible with non-Netherlands, non-Indonesian officials. I. Government Head Government Information Bureau ............. 1 Head Popular Information Service ................ 1 II. Department of Internal Affairs Director .......................... 1 Divisional Commissioners (" Residenten "):. . . ,. , . . ... ... . 6 No. 6311 290 United Nations — Treaty Series 1962 1. Hollandia 2. Biak 3. Manokwari 4. Fakfak 5. Merauke 6. Central Highlands. Administrative Head of the General Police ............ 1 III. Department of Finance Director .......................... 1 IV. Department of Social Affairs and Justice Director .......................... 1 V. Department of Public Health Director .......................... 1 VI. Department of Cultural Affairs (including Education) Director .......................... 1 Head Broadcasting System ................... 1 VII. Department of Economic Affairs Director .......................... 1 VIII. Department of Transport and Power Director .......................... 1 I.. Department of Public Works Director .......................... 1 TOTAL 18 No. 6311 AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA