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Pacific Islands Forum raises concerns for human rights condition in West Papua in UN session
News Desk
1 March 2021
Secretary General of Pacific Islands Forum, Meg Taylor, addresses a high-level meeting at the UN Human Rights Council to speak about Covid-19, climate change, and alleged human rights violations in West Papua.
West Papua No. 1 News Portal | Jubi
Jakarta, Jubi – Pacific Islands Forum, an intergovernmental organization consisting of 18 members, delivered a statement in a high-level meeting at the Human Rights Council of the United Nations on Feb. 24, highlighting three concerns: Covid-19, climate change, and human rights conditions in West Papua.
“The Pacific Islands Forum brings together 18 Member states to protect the people, place, and prospects of our Blue Pacific Continent. My statement today will highlight three Forum Leaders’ priorities – Covid-19 response and recovery; the climate change crisis; and human rights in West Papua (Papua),” said Meg Taylor, the Secretary General of the Pacific Islands Forum.
Read also: ‘Important’ for UN to visit West Papua in light of human rights issue: Dutch minister
She addressed the high level meeting, saying that the violent conflict and subsequent human rights violations in West Papua has been a concern for the Pacific Island Forum Leaders for over 20 years. “In 2016, it became a standing agenda item for Forum Leaders,” she said.
“Pacific Island Forum Leaders’ focus on West Papua has been squarely on human rights – calling on all parties to protect and uphold the human rights of all residents, and to work to address the root causes of the conflict by peaceful means,” she went on.
Taylor said the escalation of tension in the recent years “has deepened the collective concerns of the Leaders of the Pacific.”
She said the leaders welcomed Indonesian government’s invitation for a mission to West Papua by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and they encouraged an “evidence-based report” on the situation in West Papua to be provided before their next meeting.
“We call on distinguished Council Members to encourage all relevant parties to urgently facilitate a mission to West Papua by the High Commissioner for Human Rights,” Taylor said.
Founded in 1971, the Forum comprises 18 members: Australia, Cook Islands, Federated States of Micronesia, Fiji, French Polynesia, Kiribati, Nauru, New Caledonia, New Zealand, Niue, Palau, Papua New Guinea, Republic of Marshall Islands, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Tonga, Tuvalu, and Vanuatu.
In January, the Dutch government had said they deemed it “important” for the UN High Commissioner of Human Rights to visit West Papua.
“The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has not yet visited Papua, partly because a visit has become temporarily virtually impossible due to the corona crisis. She does have a standing invitation to visit Indonesia. The Dutch Permanent Representation to the UN discussed this with the cabinet of the High Commissioner for Human Rights on Dec. 3. The Netherlands has indicated that it considers a visit by the High Commissioner for Human Rights to Papua important. The Netherlands will again indicate to the Indonesian authorities at the next opportunity that it is important that such a visit takes place as soon as possible,” Blok wrote in the document.
On Nov. 4, 2020, Nigel Adams, UK government Minister for Asia at the Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office (FCDO) who is also a member of parliament from Conservative Party, answered a question from a member of parliament about West Papua.
Adams’s answer was: “The UK supports a visit by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (ONHCR) to Papua. Officials from the British Embassy have discussed the proposed visit with the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and continue to encourage the Indonesian Government to agree dates as soon as possible.”
Earlier in September 2019, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet said her office was “disturbed” by escalating violence in Papua and West Papua in the past two weeks, especially the deaths of some protestors and security forces.
Human Rights Pacific Islands FOrum UN High Commissioner for Human Rights West Papua
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“I am West Papua. I am Papuan” : Anglican Archbishop of Oceania joint statement
News Desk
8 March 2017
Archbishop of Oceania – Supplied
Jayapura, Jubi – The Anglican Archbishop of Oceania, who have been meeting in Australia, have warned of the threat to their region from climate change. In a joint statement, the five Archbishop said :
“We agreed that as whole nations of ocean people lose their island homes, climate justice advocacy and action must become the most urgent priority for Oceanic Anglicans.”
Archbishop Philip Freier, of Australia, Archbishop Clyde Igara, of Papua New Guinea, Archbishop Winston Halapua, and Archbishop Philip Richardson of Aotearoa, New Zealand and Polynesia, and Archbishop George Takeli of Melanesia met in Tweed Heads, in New South Wales. They noted that they were four Provinces covering many nations, more than 1000 languages, with rich and diverse cultures. They said they were united through the interweaving of history and long friendships, but were coming together against a backdrop of disharmony:
“We gather at a time when the rhetoric of nationalism, ridicule, fear-mongering, and hatred is so prevalent. In such a climate where “me first” or “we first” dominates, we affirm: “we together.”
They said they had heard “harrowing” stories of human rights violations in West Papua: “which were poignantly focussed for us by Archbishop Clyde Igara, who said: “I am West Papua. I am Papuan” – such is the arbitrariness of national boundaries and the historical circumstances that have defined them.”
The primates said they would be judged by their failure to support their weakest part: “We celebrate that what the world views as weak is in fact strength, what the world views as folly, is indeed wisdom. We rejoice at the fruits of the Spirit we see in each other, and we give thanks for the faithfulness of our forebears who sowed the seeds of the Gospel in our lands.”
They also addressed the challenges of seasonal workers and labour mobility across their Provinces and “how we could respond both pastorally and politically;” they also considered the way “our growing relationships with the Anglican Provinces across Asia could be deepened and looked forward to the meeting of the Primates of the Anglican Communion in October 2017.” (*)
Anglican News
archbishop West Papua
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Indonesia and Vanuatu: Too different for a real partnership?
News Desk
27 September 2016
Nadjib Riphat Kesoema, Ambassador of Indonesia – abc.com.au
to Vanuatu
Dear Editor,
While Vanuatu is an island nation and Indonesia is an archipelagic country, the differences seem to be too great for a real partnership to work between the two countries.
The difference in size is striking. From its westernmost part in Aceh to its easternmost part in Merauke, Papua, Indonesia stretches as wide as from Port Vila to Honolulu, Hawaii. For every person in Vanuatu, there are one thousand persons in Indonesia. Whereas Vanuatu’s population is primarily Melanesians, Indonesians are a mix of ethnicities: Javanese, Sumatrans, Malays, Melanesians, Chinese and so on.
Differences could be unsettling. In both personal relations as well as international relations for instance, the world can be split into two. Those in the minority that delves in and are paralyzed by the smallest of differences and the rest who respect differences but keep on chipping at them to bring the relations closer together.
The second group realizes that the reward of working together, of having a strong partnership far outweigh the short-term gains of resentment.
There are a number of important similarities that Indonesia and Vanuatu can use to build our relationship on.
Indonesia sits on the Pacific ring of fire making it prone to volcanic eruptions, earthquakes, tsunamis and other natural disasters. Likewise, Vanuatu is prone to tropical cyclones, volcanic eruptions and tsunamis. Both Indonesia and Vanuatu have many small islands that are vulnerable to changes in the climate.
Another parallel is that since early in their modern history, leaders of both countries understood that a secure and stable region is a condition for sustained economic growth and prosperity. Leaders understood that a secure and stable region depends on good international relations. Good international relations in turn depends on mutual respect of national sovereignty and territorial integrity.
It is thus no coincidence that Indonesia and Vanuatu engages their respective immediate regions actively. Both capitals are respectively homes to the secretariat of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG), in Port Vila and the secretariat of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Jakarta.
It is no accident moreover that both countries share many national and regional goals. Both countries aim for sustainable economic growth and development, better governance, a secure and stable region as well as a more prosperous population.
The people of Vanuatu celebrated her 36th anniversary on 30 July. On behalf of the eleven million Melanesians living in Indonesia and all the citizens of Indonesia, let me again extend my warmest congratulations to the people and government of Vanuatu. Indonesia too, is celebrating. On last 17th of August, Indonesia commemorated our 71st anniversary.
Anniversaries are usually a period for reflection. As both fellow vibrant democracies look into the future, in the next 15 years to 2030, Vanuatu, Indonesia and the region will not be quite the same.
The combined region of Southeast Asia and MSG would be a formidable economic and cultural zone. With current annual growth, by the 2030s, Indonesia will be among the top ten biggest economies in the world. As member countries continue to focus on providing solutions to current financial and institutional challenges facing the MSG, by 2030 the region will be more economically integrated and dynamic. In the decades ahead, Vanuatu will perhaps have a larger tourism and services sector as well as agriculture and livestock farming complementing her more traditional export commodities of copra, coconuts, cocoa, fish and wood processing.
Indonesia’s trade with and investment in Vanuatu is still relatively small, indicating a good growth potential. Indonesia’s 60-million strong middle and consuming-class is very much looking forward to establishing closer trade, investment and development links with Vanuatu and all the countries of the MSG.
A stronger Indonesia-Vanuatu partnership that centers on those national priorities will expand trade and investment and ultimately bring more jobs and income.
Thus it is important for us to concentrate the partnership on developing the tourism and agriculture sectors, boosting programs on climate change, preparing the most vulnerable communities for adaptation and mitigation. It is also important to work together on programs of disaster preparedness and disaster risk management. The US$2 million in humanitarian aid dispatched by the Indonesian government to Vanuatu in the aftermath of Cyclone Pam and the many programs of technical cooperation delivered to Vanuatu over the years are good examples of such partnership.
Indonesia is a member of a number of regional trading arrangements including within ASEAN as well intra-regionally such as ASEAN-China and ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand. Indonesia is also a member of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) and the G20. In our experience, we found that expanding our international markets and partnerships creates more jobs, affordable products and services and boost competitiveness.
The eastern part of Indonesia, home to five Melanesian provinces of East Nusa Tenggara, Maluku, North Maluku, Papua and West Papua is Asia’s natural entrance to the Pacific. Conversely, Indonesia is welcoming Vanuatu and MSG countries into the rewarding markets of Indonesia, Southeast Asia and beyond through this eastern region gateway.
When we concentrate on issues that bring us closer while working to resolve differences, I am confident that in the future, the leaders of both countries will be remembered as those who brought stability, security, justice and prosperity to the nation and the region.
Nadjib Riphat Kesoema
Ambassador of Indonesia to Vanuatu
Indonesia Vanuatu West Papua
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Pacific Forum countries urged to follow up on West Papua
News Desk
4 July 2019
Rosa Moiwend, West Papuan reearcher and human rights defender.Rosa Moiwend, West Papuan reearcher and human rights defender. Photo: RNZ / Johnny Blades
Papua, Jubi – A West Papuan human rights defender has called for more Pacific islands countries to speak up internationally about human rights abuses in her homeland.
Rosa Moiwend, who has been visiting New Zealand this week, said it was important that Pacific Islands Forum countries advanced this issue to reflect widespread, grassroots concern for West Papua in the region.
At the 2015 Pacific Forum summit, leaders agreed to push for a fact-finding mission to Papua.
Indonesia is yet to allow such a mission to visit, but Ms Moiwend said forum members must follow this up.
“Because otherwise it’s just lip service from the forum,” she said.
“Members of the Pacific Islands Forum are also UN members, so we need more and more Pacific Island countries to speak about the human rights situation in West Papua.”
According to Ms Moiwend, while several small Pacific countries have raised Papua at the UN, bigger countries such as Australia and New Zealand should support them.
Development
Indonesian president Joko Widodo’s infrastructure development drive in Papua is proving traumatic for remote indigenous communities, Ms Moiwend said.
Its centre-piece is the Trans-Papua Road project which is being built through some of Papua’s most remote terrain.
The project is also at the heart of heightened conflict in Papua’s Highlands since the West Papua Liberation Army massacred at least 16 road construction workers last December.
While conceding that opening up access to Papua through the project had its benefits, Ms Moiwend said it also brought outsiders and development that local Papuans were not prepared for.
“It will also open a space for more and more military and police posts along the road, because of the security reason that they will say.
“And it’s actually threatened people’s lives because for West Papuans people are traumatic with the presence of the military.”
Ms Moiwend’s family are customary landowners in Merauke in Papua’s south where rapid oil palm and agri-business development is underway.
“Customary land is actually affected by these big projects – food project and oil palm plantation,” Ms Moiwend explained, adding that indigenous communities had little say in the development
“I think government needs to discuss with the people. You can’t just come and (start) plotting the land and then invite the investor to come and invest their money because people rely on our land.
“The land is the source of our food. So if they want to replace with something else, then how can they provide food for our people?” (*)
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Port Moresby evicts West Papuan refugees from city settlement
News Desk
3 July 2019
The Rainbow settlement in Port Moresby… home to West Papuan refugees for 11 years. – Image: Post-Courier
Papua, Jubi – About 250 West Papuans have been served notices of eviction to leave their settlement in Port Moresby, reports The National.
National Capital District Commission officials, escorted by police officers, handed the settlers demolition orders last Thursday and told them to leave their home in the suburb of Rainbow where they had lived for 11 years.
Communal leader Elly Wangai said that some of them were now PNG citizens after former Prime Minister Peter O’Neill allowed them to gain citizenship without paying the K10,000 application fee.
“But unlike other PNG citizens, we don’t have any land to go to. When we were given citizenship, the government did not give us land to settle. And this is the fifth time we have been evicted since 2007.
“We were first evicted from 8-Mile settlement and we settled outside the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) Office at Ela Beach.
“Then we moved to the Boroko Police station. Then to Apex Park at Boroko and now to here.”
Wangai said they were willing to move from the settlement.
‘Drainage area’
“This is a drainage area and we know that and we will move. But we want NCDC to provide land for us.
“If NCDC can evict other PNG settlements from 2-Mile and resettle them at 6-Mile, they should do the same for us.”
Wangai said they had once been given land at Red Hills in the suburb of Gerehu.
“But when we went there, developments were already taking place.
“So we had to return here. Since we were given eviction notices, our children were traumatised and did not attend school.
“Our mothers who are involved in small economical activities like selling doughnuts and ice blocks have stopped.
“They are finding it hard to earn money to look after their family. If we are given land to move, we will be confident to live our daily lives.”
According to ABC, Port Moresby Governor Powes Parkop was unaware of the move to serve the demolition orders or what had prompted it.
A vocal supporter of the West Papua cause, Parkop said he would work to stop – or at least stall – the process to carry out the demolition orders, and fulfill his promise to find the settlers a permanent home.
“I hope I can sort it out soon and get proper allocation of the land so they’ve got security and can build a future.” (*)
Source: asiapacificreport.nz
Source: RNZI
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Police who shot protesters must be punished: LBH Papua
Police Brutality - News Desk
17 June 2022
Participants in the free pulpit action commemorating the 10th anniversary of the murder of Mako Tabuni which took place in Jayapura City on Tuesday (14/6/2022) put up posters calling for the fight against forgetting about the Mako Tabuni murder case that occurred on June 14, 2012. - Doc. LBH Papua
Jayapura, Jubi – The Papua Legal Aid Institute (LBH Papua) has asked the Jayapura City Police to punish their members who fired rubber bullets to disperse the rally commemorating the death of West Papua National Committee (KNPB) leader Mako Tabuni on Tuesday, June 14, 2022.
Director of LBH Papua Emanuel Gobay said at least four rally participants were allegedly injured by rubber bullets, namely Aris Nepsan, Jon Kadepa, Benediktus Tebai, and Natan Pigai. They were injured on the forehead, head, hands, and buttocks respectively.
Gobay said the use of rubber bullets to disperse demonstrations indicated a violation of Emergency Law No. 12/1951, which regulates the use of firearms. Gobay urged the police to legally process any personnel who fired rubber bullets at protesters.
“Law enforcement [against police brutality] has to be done instead of arresting the masses who exercise their democratic rights,” said Gobay in Jayapura City on Wednesday, June 15, 2022.
He emphasized that the commemoration of Mako Tabuni’s death took place peacefully. The participants did not block the road. The police, however, repressively dispersed the mass.
National Police Chief Regulation No. 16/2006 on Guidelines for Crowd Control has indeed regulated procedures for controlling protests. However, on the ground, the police in Papua often disperse demonstrations by making arrests, beatings, or even opening fire.
Gobay said that the police’s repressive way to disperse the mass would only add to the list of violence experienced by Papuans. In the past year, there have been at least 10 demonstrations that were disbanded by the police.
“Why does violence keep occurring? What has been done by the National Police Chief, the Papua Police Chief, and the Jayapura City Police Chief to address this matter and educate police officers in Papua?” said Gobay. (*)
Civilian Victim KNPB LBH Papua police brutality Protesters Shooting
Writer: News DeskEditor: News Desk
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Why doesn’t Indonesia want a dialogue with Papuans, Benny Giay asks
Papua Peaceful Dialogue - News Desk
20 May 2022
Dr Benny Giay when he was a resource person in a public discussion "Imagination of Papuans as a Nation (Melanesians)" was held by the Regional Research Center of the Indonesian Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN), on Thursday (19/05/2022). Dock. BRIN discussion zoom screenshot
Jayapura, Jubi – Papuan respected figure, theologian and activist Benny Giay throws the question of why the Indonesian government has not wanted to engage in a dialogue with Papuans. Instead, the government always chooses a security approach by sending troops and police to the Land of Papua.
Benny Giay conveyed this in a public discussion “Imagination of Papuans as a Nation (Melanesians)” held online by the Regional Research Center of the Indonesian Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN) on Thursday, May 19, 2022.
Giay emphasized that dialogue was important for the safety of the Papuan people. The Indonesian government must solve the problems in Papua like solving the problems that occurred in Aceh. Not by sending security forces.
“In the past, then vice president Jusuf Kalla went all-out in a dialogue with Free Aceh Movement [GAM] which was mediated by a neutral state,” he said.
Giay regretted that during President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s 13 visits to Papua, the government was not serious about dialogue with Papuans. Even with Jokowi’s visits after visits, the Papuan people continue to suffer more and more on their land.
“Should Papuans embrace Islam or become like Indonesians first then the Indonesian government wants to have a dialogue with Papuans?” Giay asked ironically. If so, he said, it only showed racism from the Indonesian government towards Papuans.
“They [Indonesian government] could negotiate with GAM but not with Papuans? Why?” Giay wondered.
Giay said sending security forces would not solve the problems in Papua. It will only make the Papuan people suffer even more and lead to their extinction.
In a report titled “The Hunt for Gold: Wabu Block Mining Plans Risk Aggravating Human Rights Violations in Papua”, Amnesty International Indonesia has documented an alarming increase in security forces in Papua since 2019, from only two military posts to 17 military posts.
Amnesty also noted that there were at least 12 cases of unlawful killings involving security forces, increasing restrictions on freedom of movement, as well as beatings and arrests that were often experienced by local Papuan people.
Previously, Chairman of the Papuan Customary Council Mananwir Yan Pieter Yarangga said that the central government must have the courage to conduct peaceful dialogue with Papuans. Peaceful dialogue is important to resolve all the problems experienced by Indigenous Papuans.
Yarangga said that the root of Papua’s problems could only be solved by peaceful dialogue involving all stakeholders and witnessed by all Indigenous Papuans living in Papua, Indonesia, or abroad. (*)
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Does Indonesia have a healthy free press? Not according to West Papua
Papuan Journalists Face Routine Threats Abuse And Censorship - News Desk
10 May 2022
A journalist working in West Papua in front of the Morning Star Flag — an international sign of the Free Papua Movement. Used via Wikipedia Commons license (CC BY-SA 3.0)
For nearly 60 years, West Papua, a region in the easternmost stretches of the Indonesian arhipelago, has been engaged in one of the longest-running independence struggles of any region in the world against occupying Indonesia. Despite the longevity of the independence campaign, it has often escaped the notice of international outlets and Western audiences. This is in part because of the Jakarta government’s concerted — and largely successful – efforts to censor and control narratives from West Papua.
West Papua
Image via Global Voices
The island of New Guinea is divided into the independent state of Papua New Guinea on the eastern half and Indonesian-controlled Papua on the western side. Indonesia-controlled Papua has been further divided by the Indonesian government into Papua and West Papua. These are the provinces that have been fighting for independence for the last 60 years. Jakarta is considering further dividing the region into smaller provinces — against the wishes of scholars and indigenous communities in the region, who believe the move will decrease transparency and increase corruption in the region.
Papua has been occupied by Indonesia since 1962 after the Indonesian military invaded and annexed the province, despite assurances by the former colonial Dutch government of sovereignty for the Papuan nation. Since then, Papuans have faced decades of brutal oppression punctuated by massacres, torture, censorship, and conflict between the Indonesian army and West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) that has left civilians as collateral. Some estimates suggest that over 500,000 Papuans have been killed by Indonesian military forces — though these are somewhat outdated estimates and the real toll is likely much higher.
In addition to its alleged human rights abuses, Indonesia has an abysmal record regarding press freedom in Papua. Activists and media workers in the region are routinely silenced through censorship, internet throttling, physical attacks, torture, and even death. According to some international reports, since current President Joko (Jokowi) Widodo became president in 2014, this persecution has gotten worse.
Harassment, violence, and threats
Local journalists in particular face intense harassment and scrutiny from the Indonesian government. Journalists have been jailed, beaten, doxxed, and targetted for speaking out about the vast human rights violations in West Papua. According to a 2021 Alliance of Independent Journalists Indonesia (Aliansi Jurnalis Independen – AJI) report, there have been 114 cases of violence against Papuan journalists in the past 20 years.
Human Rights Watch (HRW) detailed these instances it’s its 2015 report entitled “Something to hide?” The report revealed Papuan journalists routinely receive anonymous threats via text and voicemail, which they believe to be from Indonesian security forces. One local reporter told HRW:
” I cannot count how many SMS, email, or social media [threats] that I have received. The accusations are always that I am a foreign agent. The threat is often to kill me, or to attack my office. Or burn my office. That’s why I often change my cell phone numbers. I have lost count of how many times. Maybe 300 times? I always think [the harassers] want to disturb me mentally. I always delete their threats. I don’t want to be influenced by them.
Other journalists, such as Duma Tato Sando, the managing editor at Chaya Papua, a daily newspaper in Manokwari, Papua told the group he is often pressured by security forces to not publish stories that mention human rights abuses. He said:
” For me, covering human rights abuses in Papua is not easy. In Manokwari, usually an intelligence officer will call and ask that the news story be “pending.” They like to say, “please do not publish it.” Sometimes they even ask me for background information, such as places, names, and times [of incidents of human rights abuses] because they do not know that their own men did the beating or the shooting. I have too many cases [of such harassment] to recall one-by-one.
In another case just over one year ago, in April 2021, West Papuan journalist Victor Mambor’s car was vandalized in a clear act of targeted intimidation. At the time, the AJI said “these acts of terror and intimidation are clearly forms of violence against journalists, and threaten press freedom in Papua and more broadly in Indonesia.” Mambor is the founder of the Tabloid Jubi media outlet. He and his staff have faced numerous instances of harassment over the years, including physical, psychological, and digital attacks.
The situation is even more dire for women who choose to pursue journalism in Papua, like in the case of Elfira last February, who received a rape threat in Jayapura District Court while reporting on court proceedings.
Foreign media, NGOs, and humanitarian agencies have been largely denied access to West Papua, which has created challenges in holding the Indonesian government and security forces accountable. The Jakarta government has tightly controlled the flow of information from the region.
And even when foreign watchdogs or media are able to enter the region, they can seldom do so without a government escort, and are liable to face deportation if they upset authorities.
Some international journalists have managed to make unofficial visits to the region that were not pre-approved by the Indonesian government. Rohan Radheya, a Dutch freelance journalist interviewed by HRW said during his unofficial visits to Papua, he saw a pattern of daily “threats and intimidation” against Papuan journalists, adding, “They were good journalists, they have a good network, and some of the [Papuan journalists] I met, they have bullet holes, they have been stabbed by [Indonesian security] forces, and they continue to wake up in the morning and just go about and do their jobs.”
To help combat this oppression, AJI’s Papua chapter launched Papua legal aid in December 2021, noting, “The number of cases of violence against journalists in Papua has made the results of the Press Independence Index assessment by the Press Council for the last 4 years place Papua as the region with the worst press freedom conditions in Indonesia.” The group aims to provide legal assistance to journalists in Papua who are victims of violence and intimidation.
West Papuan censorship
The information block in West Papua has drawn international condemnation and tarnished Indonesia’s reputation on the international stage.
The censorship is especially blatant during times of conflict or strife. Actors in the West Papuan Independence movement have occasionally succeeded in drawing national attention to their campaign, which often consists of acts of civil disobedience and protest. In 2019 tensions came to a head after a racist incident against Papuan students in Surabaya by Indonesian military forces. In response, protests broke out in Papua, which police forces violently stamped out, killing 10 Papuan citizens in the process. This act of violence sparked widespread protests across the archipelago nation. During this period, the Indonesian government throttled network connections in West Papua to stop information from flowing outward, which Jokowi said was for the “common good.”
While Papuan media outlets struggled to share their stories during this time, reports emerged of human rights violations, oppression, military violence against civilians, and more.
Indonesia’s free press landscape
Even outside the press abuses in Papua, Indonesia’s media faces a challenging landscape. While Jokowi ran a presidential campaign promising to bolster Indoenisa’s free press, he has resoundingly failed on these promises since being elected in 2014.
In 2020, Jakarta passed the Law on “Informasi dan Transaksi Elektronik” (Electronic and Information Transactions Law), which made it legal for the government to throttle internet services and arrest journalists for disrupting the peace and publishing “prohibited content.” The controversial law has drawn criticism from activists and human rights groups as many call it a major backstep for the largest democracy in the region.
Human rights watchdog Protection International said, “the ITE Law is actively used to silence criticism and obstruct the work of human rights defenders,” noting that there was a sharp increase of attacks against human rights defenders in 2019 and 2020.
The situation has only deteriorated as public attention was focused on the COVID-19 pandemic.
According to RSF reporting, journalists are banned from publishing not only “false information related to the coronavirus but also any information hostile to the president or government even if it is unrelated to the pandemic.”
According to Reporter’s Without Borders 2022 World Press Freedom Index, Indonesia ranked 117 out of 180 countries.
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Agreement between the Republic of Indonesia and the Kingdom of the Netherlands Concerning West New Guinea (New York Agreement)
Summary:
The agreement calls for the transfer of authority for the territory from the Netherlands to Indonesia. The document also includes a guarantee that the Papuan people would be allowed an ‘Act of Free Choice’ (referendum) to determine their political status. It provides for a UN Transitional Administration in West New Guinea (West Irian) for the transfer of authority from Netherlands to Indonesia and the conduct of the act of free choice.
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English:
ID NL_620815_AgreementConcerningWestNewGuinea.pdf
Français:
ID NL_620815_AgreementConcerningWestNewGuinea(fr).pdf
Date:
15/08/1962
Country / Entity:
Indonesia
Netherlands
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No. 6311
INDONESIA
and
NETHERLANDS
Agreement (with annex) concerning West New Guinea
(West Irian). Signed at the Headquarters of the
United Nations, New York, on 15 August 1962
Official text: English.
Registered on 21 September 1962 by the Secretariat acting on behalf of the Con
tracting Parties pursuant to paragraph 2 of article XXVIII of the Agreement.
INDONÉSIE
et
PAYS-BAS
Accord (avec annexe) concernant la Nouvelle-Guinée occi
dentale (Irian occidental). Signé au Siège de l'Organisa
tion des Nations Unies, à New York, le 15 août 1962
Texte officiel anglais.
Enregistr le 21 septembre 1962 par le Secr tariat agissant au nom des Parties
contractantes conform ment au paragraphe 2 de l'article XXVIII de l'Accord.
274 United Nations — Treaty Series 1962
No. 6311. AGREEMENT1 BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF
INDONESIA AND THE KINGDOM OF THE NETHER
LANDS CONCERNING WEST NEW GUINEA (WEST
IRIAN). SIGNED AT THE HEADQUARTERS OF THE
UNITED NATIONS, NEW YORK, ON 15 AUGUST 1962
The Republic of Indonesia and the Kingdom of the Netherlands,
Having in mind the interests and welfare of the people of the territory of
West New Guinea (West Irian) hereinafter referred to as " the territory ",
Desirous of settling their dispute regarding the territory,
Now, therefore, agree as follows :
RATIFICATION OF AGREEMENT AND RESOLUTION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY
OF THE UNITED NATIONS
Article I
After the present Agreement between Indonesia and the Netherlands has
been signed and ratified by both Contracting Parties, Indonesia and the Nether
lands will jointly sponsor a draft resolution in the United Nations under the
terms of which the General Assembly of the United Nations takes note of the
present Agreement, acknowledges the role conferred upon the Secretary-General
of the United Nations therein, and authorizes him to carry out the tasks entrusted
to him therein.
TRANSFER OF ADMINISTRATION
Article II
After the adoption of the resolution referred to in article I, the Netherlands
will transfer administration of the territory to a United Nations Temporary
Executive Authority (UNTEA) established by and under the jurisdiction of
the Secretary-General upon the arrival of the United Nations Administrator
appointed in accordance with article IV. The UNTEA will in turn transfer the
administration to Indonesia in accordance with article XII.
1 In accordance with article XXVIII, the Agreement came into force on 21 September 1962, the
date of the adoption by the General Assembly of the resolution envisaged in article I of the Agree
ment (A/RES/1752 (XVII) ). The instruments of ratification were exchanged on 20 September 1962
at the Headquarters of the United Nations, in accordance with article XXVII.
276 United Nations — Treaty Series 1962
UNITED NATIONS ADMINISTRATION
Article III
In order to facilitate the transfer of administration to the UNTEA after the
adoption of the resolution by the General Assembly, the Netherlands will
invite the Secretary-General to send a representative to consult briefly with the
Netherlands Governor of the territory prior to the latter's departure. The
Netherlands Governor will depart prior to the arrival of the United Nations
Administrator.
Article IV
A United Nations Administrator, acceptable to Indonesia and the Nether
lands, will be appointed by the Secretary-General.
Article V
The United Nations Administrator, as chief executive officer of the UNTEA,
will have full authority under the direction of the Secretary-General to administer
the territory for the period of the UNTEA administration in accordance with
the terms of the present Agreement.
Article VI
1. The United Nations flag will be flown during the period of United
Nations administration.
2. With regard to the flying of the Indonesian and Netherlands flags, it is
agreed that this matter will be determined by agreement between the Secretary-
General and the respective Governments.
Article VII
The Secretary-General will provide the UNTEA with such security forces
as the United Nations Administrator deems necessary ; such forces will primarily
supplement existing Papuan (West Irianese) police in the task of maintaining
law and order. The Papuan Volunteer Corps, which on the arrival of the
United Nations Administrator will cease being part of the Netherlands armed
forces, and the Indonesian armed forces in the territory will be under the
authority of, and at the disposal of, the Secretary-General for the same purpose.
The United Nations Administrator will, to the extent feasible, use the Papuan
(West Irianese) police as a United Nations security force to maintain law and
order and, at his discretion, use Indonesian armed forces. The Netherlands
armed forces will be repatriated as rapidly as possible and while still in the terri
tory will be under the authority of the UNTEA.
No- 6311
278 United Nations Treaty Series 1962
Article VIII
The United Nations Administrator will send periodic reports to the Se
cretary-General on the principal aspects of the implementation of the present
Agreement. The Secretary-General will submit full reports to Indonesia and
the Netherlands and may submit, at his discretion, reports to the General
Aseembly or to all United Nations Members.
FIRST PHASE OF THE UNTEA ADMINISTRATION
Article IX
The United Nations Administrator will replace as rapidly as possible top
Netherlands officials as defined in annex A1 with non-Netherlands, non-In
donesian officials during the first phase of the UNTEA administration which
will be completed on 1 May 1963. The United Nations Administrator will
be authorized to employ on a temporary basis all Netherlands officials other than
top Netherlands officials defined in annex A, who wish to serve the UNTEA,
in accordance with such terms and conditions as the Secretary-General may
specify. As many Papuans (West Irianese) as possible will be brought into
administrative and technical positions. To fill the remaining required posts,
the UNTEA will have authority to employ personnel provided by Indonesia.
Salary rates prevailing in the territory will be maintained.
Article X
Immediately after the transfer of administration to the UNTEA, the
UNTEA will widely publicize and explain the terms of the present Agreement,
and will inform the population concerning the transfer of administration to
Indonesia and the provisions for the act of self-determination as set out in the
present Agreement.
Article XI
To the extent that they are consistent with the letter and spirit of the
present Agreement, existing laws and regulations will remain in effect. The
UNTEA will have power to promulgate new laws and regulations or amend
them within the spirit and framework of the present Agreement. The rep
resentative councils will be consulted prior to the issuance of new laws and
regulations or the amendment of existing laws.
1 See p. 288 of this volume.
N0. 6311
280_________United Nations Treaty Series ____1962
SECOND PHASE
Article XII
The United Nations Administrator will have discretion to transfer all or
part of the administration to Indonesia at any time after the first phase of the
UNTEA administration. The UNTEA's authority will cease at the moment
of transfer of full administrative control to Indonesia.
Article XIII
United Nations security forces will be replaced by Indonesian security
forces after the first phase of the UNTEA administration. All United Nations
security forces will be withdrawn upon the transfer of administration to Indo
nesia.
INDONESIAN ADMINISTRATION AND SELF-DETERMINATION
Article XIV
After the transfer of full administrative responsibility to Indonesia, Indo
nesian national laws and regulations will in principle be applicable in the terri
tory, it being understood that they be consistent with the rights and freedoms
guaranteed to the inhabitants under the terms of the present Agreement. New
laws and regulations or amendments to the existing ones can be enacted within
the spirit of the present Agreement. The representative councils will be con
sulted as appropriate.
Article XV
After the transfer of full administrative responsibility to Indonesia, the
primary task of Indonesia will be further intensification of the education of the
people, of the combating of illiteracy, and of the advancement of their social,
cultural and economic development. Efforts also will be made in accordance
with present Indonesian practice to accelerate the participation of the people
in local government through periodic elections. Any aspects relating to the
act of free choice will be governed by the terms of this Agreement.
Article XVI
At the time of the transfer of full administrative responsibility to Indonesia
a number of United Nations experts, as deemed adequate by the Secretary-
General after consultation with Indonesia, will be designated to remain wherever
their duties require their presence. Their duties will, prior to the arrival of
the United Nations Representative, who will participate at the appropriate
time in the arrangements for self-determination, be limited to advising on and
assisting in preparations for carrying out the provisions for self-determination
No. 6311
282 United Nations Treaty Series 1962
except in so far as Indonesia and the Secretary-General may agree upon their
performing other expert functions. They will be responsible to the Secretary-
General for the carrying out of their duties.
Article XVII
Indonesia will invite the Secretary-General to appoint a Representative who,
together with a staff made up, inter alia, of experts referred to in article XVI,
will carry out the Secretary-General's responsibilities to advise, assist and
participate in arrangements which are the responsibility of Indonesia for the
act of free choice. The Secretary-General will, at the proper time, appoint
the United Nations Representative in order that he and his staff may assume
their duties in the territory one year prior to the date of self-determination.
Such additional staff as the United Nations Representative might feel necessary
will be determined by the Secretary-General after consultations with Indonesia.
The United Nations Representative and his staff will have the same freedom of
movement as provided for the personnel referred to in article XVI.
Article XVIII
Indonesia will make arrangements, with the assistance and participation of
the United Nations Representative and his staff, to give the people of the terri
tory the opportunity to exercise freedom of choice. Such arrangements will
include :
(a) Consultations (Musjawarah) with the representative councils on pro
cedures and appropriate methods to be followed for ascertaining the freely
expressed will of the population.
(b) The determination of the actual date of the exercise of free choice
within the period established by the present Agreement.
(c) Formulation of the questions in such a way as to permit the inhabitants
to decide (a) whether they wish to remain with Indonesia; or (6) whether they
wish to sever their ties with Indonesia.
(d) The eligibility of all adults, male and female, not foreign nationals to
participate in the act of self-determination to be carried out in accordance with
international practice, who are resident at the time of the signing of the present
Agreement and at the time of the act of self-determination, including those
residents who departed after 1945 and who return to the territory to resume
residence after the termination of Netherlands administration.
Article XIX
The United Nations Representative will report to the Secretary-General
on the arrangements arrived at for freedom of choice,
No- 6311
284 United Nations — Treaty Series 1962
Article XX
The act of self-determination will be completed before the end of 1969.
Article XXI
1. After the exercise of the right of self-determination, Indonesia and the
United Nations Representative will submit final reports to the Secretary-
General who will report to the General Assembly on the conduct of the act of
self-determination and the results thereof.
2. The Parties to the present Agreement will recognize and abide by the
results of the act of self-determination.
RIGHTS OF THE INHABITANTS
Article XXII
1. The UNTEA and Indonesia will guarantee fully the rights, including the
rights of free speech, freedom of movement and of assembly, of the inhabitants
of the area. These rights will include the existing rights of the inhabitants of
the territory at the time of the transfer of administration to the UNTEA.
2. The UNTEA will take over existing Netherlands commitments in
respect of concessions and property rights.
3. After Indonesia has taken over the administration it will honour those
commitments which are not inconsistent with the interests and economic
development of the people of the territory. A joint Indonesian-Netherlands
commission will be set up after the transfer of administration to Indonesia to
study the nature of the above-mentioned concessions and property rights.
4. During the period of the UNTEA administration there will be freedom
of movements for civilians of Indonesian and Netherlands nationalities to and
from the territory.
Article XXIII
Vacancies in the representative councils caused by the departure of Nether
lands nationals, or for other reasons, will be filled as appropriate consistent with
existing legislation by elections, or by appointment by the UNTEA. The
representative councils will be consulted prior to the appointment of new
representatives.
... FINANCIAL MATTERS
Article XXIV
1. Deficits in the budget of the territory during the UNTEA administra
tion will be shared equally by Indonesia and the Netherlands.
No. 63 li
286 United Nations — Treaty Series 1962
2. Indonesia and the Netherlands will be consulted by the Secretary-
General in the preparation of the UNTEA budget and other financial matters
relating to United Nations responsibilities under the present Agreement;
however, the Secretary-General will have the final decision.
3. The Parties to the present Agreement will reimburse the Secretary-
General for all costs incurred by the United Nations under the present Agree
ment and will make available suitable funds in advance for the discharge of the
Secretary-General's responsibilities. The Parties to the present Agreement
will share on an equal basis the costs of such reimbursements and advances.
PREVIOUS TREATIES AND AGREEMENT
Article XXV
The present Agreement will take precedence over any previous agreement
on the territory. Previous treaties and agreements regarding the territory may
therefore be terminated or adjusted as necessary to conform to the terms of the
present Agreement.
PRIVILEGES AND IMMUNITIES
Article XXVI
For the purposes of the present Agreement, Indonesia and the Netherlands
will apply to United Nations property, funds, assets and officials the provisions
of the Convention on the Privileges and Immunities of the United Nations.1
In particular, the United Nations Administrator, appointed pursuant to article
IV, and the United Nations Representative, appointed pursuant to article XVII,
will enjoy the privileges and immunities specified in section 19 of the Convention
on the Privileges and Immunities of the United Nations.
RATIFICATION
Article XXVII
1. The present Agreement will be ratified in accordance with the consti
tutional procedures of the Contracting Parties.
2. The instruments of ratification will be exchanged as soon as possible at
the Headquarters of the United Nations by the accredited representatives of the
Contracting Parties.
3. The Secretary-General will draw up a procès-verbal of the exchange
of the instruments of ratification and will furnish a certified copy thereof to each
Contracting Party.
1 See footnote 1, p. 331 of this volume.
No. 6311
288 United Nations — Treaty Series 1962
ENTRY INTO FORCE
Article XXVIII
1. The present Agreement will enter into force upon the date of the adop
tion by the General Assembly of the resolution referred to in article I of the
present Agreement.
2. Upon the entry into force of the present Agreement, the Secretary-
General of the United Nations will register it in accordance with Article 102 of
the Charter.
AUTHENTIC TEXT
Article XXIX
The authentic text of the present Agreement is drawn up in the English
language. Translations in the Indonesian and Netherlands languages will be
exchanged between the Contracting Parties.
IN WITNESS WHEREOF the undersigned plenipotentiaries, being duly auth
orized for that purpose by their respective Governments, have signed the present
Agreement.
DONE at the Headquarters of the United Nations, New York, on this
fifteenth day of August 1962, in three identical copies, of which one shall be
deposited with the Secretary-General and one shall be furnished to the Govern
ment of each of the Contracting Parties.
For the Republic For the Kingdom
of Indonesia : of the Netherlands :
(Signed) SUBANDRIO (Signed) J. H. VAN ROIJEN
(Signed) C. SCHURMANN
ANNEX A TO THE AGREEMENT
Top Netherlands officials to be replaced as rapidly as possible with non-Netherlands,
non-Indonesian officials.
I. Government
Head Government Information Bureau ............. 1
Head Popular Information Service ................ 1
II. Department of Internal Affairs
Director .......................... 1
Divisional Commissioners (" Residenten "):. . . ,. , . . ... ... . 6
No. 6311
290 United Nations — Treaty Series 1962
1. Hollandia
2. Biak
3. Manokwari
4. Fakfak
5. Merauke
6. Central Highlands.
Administrative Head of the General Police ............ 1
III. Department of Finance
Director .......................... 1
IV. Department of Social Affairs and Justice
Director .......................... 1
V. Department of Public Health
Director .......................... 1
VI. Department of Cultural Affairs (including Education)
Director .......................... 1
Head Broadcasting System ................... 1
VII. Department of Economic Affairs
Director .......................... 1
VIII. Department of Transport and Power
Director .......................... 1
I.. Department of Public Works
Director .......................... 1
TOTAL 18
No. 6311
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ROMA, NETRALNEWS.COM - Sembilan puluh lima (95) Dalil atau Tesis, atau Perdebatan tentang Kuasa Indulgensi (bahasa Latin: Disputatio pro declaratione virtutis indulgentiarum), adalah sebuah daftar proposisi untuk perdebatan akademik yang ditulis pada 1517 oleh Martin Luther, profesor teologi moral di Universitas Wittenberg, Jerman.
Martin Luther, adalah seorang [biarawan] dari ordo Augustinus, Magister dalam Ilmu-Ilmu dan Magister dalam Teologia Sakral, dan yang adalah Pengajar untuk hal-hal tersebut di sana. Beliau meminta agar siapa pun yang tidak dapat hadir secara pribadi untuk memperdebat-kannya secara lisan dapat melakukannya melalui tulisan.
Kesembilan puluh lima dalil tersebut dipaparkan di bawah ini
1. Ketika Tuhan dan Tuan kita, Yesus Kristus, mengatakan “Bertobatlah”, Dia memanggil supaya segenap kehidupan setiap orang beriman menjadi suatu pertobatan yang satu dan sungguh.
2. Seruan tersebut tidak dapat ditafsirkan sebagai suatu acuan kepada sakramen-sakramen penyesalan, yaitu pengakuan dosa dan penguatan yang dilaksanakan oleh rahib.
3. Walaupun demikian artinya tidak terbatas pada penyesalan di hati belaka; karena penyesalan yang demikian tidaklah berguna jika tidak menghasilkan tanda-tanda jasmani yang nyata dalam berbagai penyangkalan kedagingan.
4. Hukuman terhadap dosa itu sama dengan membenci diri, karena inilah pertobatan hati yang sesungguhnya, yang berlangsung terus hingga kita memasuki kerajaan surga.
5. Paus berdasarkan kekuasaan diri sendiri dan berdasarkan dalil-dalil yang telah ditetapkan menjalankan hukuman. Di luar itu ia tidak menghendaki maupun mempunyai kemampuan untuk meniadakan hukuman.
6. Paus tidak dapat mengampuni dosa, tetapi hanya menyatakan dan meneguhkan bahwa itu telah diampuni oleh Allah; atau, sebanyak-banyaknya, ia dapat menguranginya dalam hal di mana ia berwenang. Melampaui ini, dosa itu tak terjamah.
7. Allah tidak pernah mengampuni kesalahan seseorang tanpa, pada saat yang sama, membuatnya dengan rendah hati taat kepada pendeta, yang adalah wakil-Nya.
8. Hukum-hukum pertobatan hanya dapat diterapkan kepada mereka yang masih hidup, dan, menurut hukum-hukum itu sendiri, tak ada yang dapat diterapkan kepada orang mati.
9. Karena itu, Roh Kudus, bertindak melalui paus, menyatakan anugerah kepada kita, dalam hal peraturan-peraturan kepausan selalu gagal diterapkan pada kematian, atau dalam hal sulit lainnya.
10. Adalah sesuatu yang salah ketika para pendeta menyatakan hilangnya hukuman atas orang mati di api penyucian dosa.
11. Ketika hukuman yang ditetapkan dengan peraturan gerejawi diubah dan disesuaikan untuk menunjang api penyucian dosa, jelas itu merupakan ilalang yang ditaburkan ketika para kardinal tidur nyenyak.
12. Dahulu, sanksi-sanksi gerejawi dinyatakan, bukan setelah, melainkan sebelum pengampunan dinyatakan; dan itu dimaksudkan sebagai ujian kesungguhan pertobatannya.
13. Kematian membebaskan seseorang dari peraturan gerejawi; bahkan orang-orang yang sekarat sudah mati bagi tata gereja dan tidak lagi terikat olehnya.
14. Orang sekarat yang kurang kasih mempunyai rasa takut yang sangat besar, yang semakin besar seiring dengan berkurangnya kasih.
15. Ketakutan yang sedemikian ini pada dirinya sendiri sudah cukup, dengan tidak menyebutkan hal lainnya, sebagai hukuman pada api penyucian dosa, karena ketakutan yang demikian tidaklah berbeda jauh dengan ketakutan yang menyebabkan keputusasaan.
16. Ada perbedaan yang sama antara neraka, api penyucian dosa, dan surga sebagaimana yang ada di antara keputusasaan, ketidaktentuan, dan jaminan.
17. Sebenarnya, kesakitan jiwa-jiwa dalam api penyucian dosa seharusnya dikurangi dan secara sebanding cinta kasih ditambahkan.
18. Terlebih lagi, tak dapat dibuktikan, berdasarkan akal budi maupun Kitab Suci, bahwa jiwa-jiwa ini berada di luar adanya jasa baik, atau tak dapat bertumbuh dalam anugerah.
19. Tidak terbukti juga tampaknya bahwa mereka yakin dan terjamin atas keselamatan, bahkan bila kita sendiri sangat meyakininya.
20. Karena itu sang paus, dalam hal penghapusan semua hukuman, tidak memaksudkan "semua" dalam arti yang ketat, tapi hanya hukuman yang dijatuhkan oleh dirinya sendiri.
21. Karena itu mereka yang mengajarkan adanya surat pengampunan dosa bersalah ketika mereka mengatakan bahwa manusia dilepaskan dan diselamatkan dari semua hukuman dosa dengan surat pengampunan dosa sang paus;
22. Sesungguhnya, ia tak dapat meniadakan kepada jiwa-jiwa di api penyucian dosa hukuman apa pun yang dinyatakan oleh peraturan gerejawi harus diderita dalam kehidupan sekarang ini.
23. Jikalau pun ada orang yang kepadanya dapat dianugerahkan peniadaan hukuman, itu hanya akan terjadi dalam hal-hal yang paling sempurna, yang teramat jarang.
24. Karena itu tentunya sebagian besar orang telah tertipu oleh janji muluk pembebasan dari hukuman dosa.
25. Kekuasaan yang dimainkan paus atas api penyucian dosa secara umum juga dimainkan oleh kardinal dalam keuskupannya dan rahib dalam jemaatnya.
26. Baik sekali jika paus menganugerahkan pengampunan kepada jiwa-jiwa di api penyucian dosa dengan syafaat bagi mereka, dan tidak dengan kuasa pemegang kunci (yang memang tidak dimilikinya).
27. Tidak ada otoritas ilahi atas pengajaran bahwa jiwa yang bersangkutan keluar dari api penyucian dosa pada saat uang pembayaran bergemerincing di dasar peti uang pembayaran.
28. Tentunya mungkin bahwa ketika uang bergemerincing di dasar peti uang ketamakan dan cinta uang bertambah; tapi ketika gereja mempersembahakn syafaat, semuanya bergantung kepada kehendak Allah.
29. Siapa yang mengetahui kebenaran cerita-cerita aneh St. Senetinus dan St. Paschal tentang apakah semua jiwa yang ada di api penyucian dosa mau ditebus? (Catatan: Paschal I, paus 817-24. Legenda mengatakan bahwa ia dan Severinus berkenan menanggung sakitnya api penyucian dosa bagi orang-orang beriman.)
30. Tak seorang pun yang mengetahui kesungguhan pertobatannya, apalagi pengampunan keseluruhan dosanya.
31. Orang yang dengan tulus hati membeli surat pengampunan dosa sedikit sekali, sebagaimana sedikitnya orang yang mengakui dosanya dengan tulus hati.
32. Setiap orang yang percaya atas keselamatan mereka berdasarkan surat pengampunan dosa, akan dihukum dalam kekekalan, bersama dengan guru-guru mereka.
33. Kita harus berhati-hati terhadap orang-orang yang mengatakan surat pengampunan dosa dari paus adalah hadiah ilahi yang tak terkira, dan melaluinya manusia didamaikan dengan Allah;
34. Karena, anugerah yang dinyatakan oleh surat-surat itu hanya berhubungan dengan hukuman-hukuman sakramental “pengakuan dosa” yang ditetapkan oleh manusia semata.
35. Mengkhotbahkan dan mengajarkan bahwa mereka yang membeli jiwa-jiwa, atau surat pengakuan tidak perlu bertobat dari dosa-dosa mereka, tidak sesuai dengan doktrin Kristen.
36. Orang Kristen manapun, yang benar-benar bertobat, menikmati pengampunan sepenuhnya dari hukuman dan kesalahan, dan ini diberikan kepadanya tanpa surat pengampunan dosa.
37. Orang Kristen manapun, hidup maupun mati, turut ambil bagian dalam semua keuntungan Kristus dan Gereja; dan keturutsertaan ini dianugerahkan kepadanya oleh Allah tanpa surat pengampunan dosa.
38. Namun demikian pengampunan paus tidak dapat dipandang rendah, karena sebagaimana dikatakan, paus menyatakan pengampunan ilahi.
39. Adalah sangat sulit, bahkan untuk teolog yang paling terpelajar sekalipun, meninggikan surat pengampunan dosa, sementara, pada saat yang sama, mengakui perlunya pertobatan.
40. Seorang petobat sejati mencari, dan rindu untuk menebus, hukuman dosanya; sedangkan surat pengampunan dosa menumpulkan kesadaran manusia, dan cenderung membuat mereka mencoba mengindari hukumannya.
41. Surat pengampunan dosa kepausan hanya boleh diajarkan dengan hati-hati, agar jangan orang memperoleh pengertian yang salah, dan menganggapnya lebih penting daripada pekerjaan baik lainnya: kasih.
42. Orang-orang Kristen seharusnya diajarkan bahwa paus sama sekali tidak memaksudkan pembelian surat pengampunan dosa dimengerti sebanding dengan pekerjaan anugerah.
43. Orang-orang Kristen seharusnya diajarkan bahwa seseorang yang memberikan kepada orang miskin, atau meminjamkan kepada yang memerlukan, melakukan sesuatu yang lebih baik daripada membeli surat pengampunan dosa.
44. Karena, oleh karya kasih, kasih itu bertumbuh dan seorang manusia menjadi seseorang yang lebih baik; sedangkan, oleh surat pengampunan dosa, ia tidak menjadi orang yang lebih baik, tetapi hanya lari dari hukuman tertentu.
45. Orang-orang Kristen seharusnya diajar bahwa ia yang melihat orang yang berkekurangan, tetapi melewatinya walaupun ia membeli surat pengampunan dosa, tidak beroleh apapun dari pengampunan paus, tapi akan menerima murka Allah.
46. Orang-orang Kristen seharusnya diajar bahwa, kecuali mereka memiliki lebih daripada yang mereka butuhkan, mereka harus membelanjakan hanya untuk kelangsungan rumah tangga mereka, dan tidak sepantasnya memboroskannya dalam surat pengampunan dosa.
47. Orang-orang Kristen seharusnya diajarkan bahwa mereka seharusnya membeli surat pengampunan dosa secara sukarela, dan bukan dengan terpaksa.
48. Kepada orang-orang Kristen seharusnya dibuktikan bahwa, dalam menganu-gerahkan surat pengampunan dosa, paus memiliki kepentingan, dan terlebih lagi hasrat, atas doa syafaatnya yang tekun dan bukan atas uang tunai.
49. Orang-orang Kristen seharusnya diajarkan bahwa surat pengampunan dosa dari paus hanya berguna bila seseorang tidak bergantung padanya, tetapi akan sangat berbahaya bila melaluinya orang kehilangan rasa takutnya akan Allah.
50. Kepada orang-orang Kristen seharusnya dibuktikan bahwa, bila paus mengetahui adanya pemerasan dalam penjualan surat pengampunan dosa, lebih baik baginya bila Basilika St. Petrus dihancurkan menjadi debu daripada dibangun dengan kulit, daging dan tulang domba.
51. Kepada orang-orang Kristen seharusnya diperlihatkan bahwa paus bersedia, sebagaimana seharusnya bila memang diperlukan, menjual Basilika St. Petrus, serta memberikan uangnya dan juga uang pribadinya kepada orang banyak yang tertipu dengan membeli surat penghapusan siksa.
52. Menggantungkan diri pada keselamatan berdasarkan surat penghapusan siksa adalah sia-sia sekalipun para wakil paus, bahkan paus sendiri, menjaminkan jiwanya keabsahan atas surat itu.
53. Mereka yang melarang Firman Allah dikabarkan sama sekali di beberapa gereja, agar dapat mengabarkan surat penghapusan siksa adalah musuh Kristus dan paus.
54. Firman Allah didera apabila dalam suatu khotbah waktu yang dialokasikan untuk surat penghapusan siksa sama atau bahkan lebih dibandingkan untuk Firman itu.
55. Paus tidak dapat mengambil sudut pandang lain selain bahwa jika surat penghapusan siksa (hal yang sangat kecil) dirayakan dengan satu lonceng, perayaan, atau satu upacara, Injil (hal yang sangat besar) haruslah diajarkan sebanding dengan seratus lonceng, seratus perayaan, seratus upacara.
56. Harta gereja, yang darinya surat penghapusan siksa dibagi-bagikan oleh paus, belum ditetapkan sepenuhnya dan tidak cukup dikenal di antara orang-orang Kristen.
57. Bahwa harta ini setidaknya bukan harta duniawi nyata karena harta ini tidak demikian saja dibagi-bagikan, tetapi hanya dikumpulkan, oleh banyak pengajar.
58. Harta itu bukan juga jasa baik Kristus dan orang-orang suci, karena tanpa paus sekalipun, jasa-jasa baik ini selalu mengerjakan karya anugerah dalam pribadi seseorang sambil menyalibkan kedagingan orang itu agar binasa.
59. St. Laurensia berkata bahwa orang-orang miskin adalah harta gereja, tapi ia menggunakan istilah tersebut sesuai dengan konteks pengertian zamannya.
60. Kami tidak asal bicara ketika mengatakan bahwa harta gereja adalah “kunci-kunci gereja” dan itu diurapi atas jasa-jasa baik Kristus.
61. Karena jelas bahwa kuasa paus pun cukup untuk mengurangi hukuman dan kasus-kasus khusus.
62. Harta Gereja yang sejati adalah Injil Suci tentang kemuliaan dan anugerah Allah.
63. Memang harta ini dapat dianggat sangat tidak menyenangkan, karena membuat yang pertama menjadi yang terakhir.
64. Di sisi lain, harta penyucian dosa menyenangkan, karena membuat yang terakhir menjadi yang pertama.
65. Karena itu kekayaan injil adalah jejaring yang, pada masa-masa yang lalu, mereka gunakan untuk memancing orang-orang kaya.
66. Sedangkan kekayaan surat penghapusan siksa adalah jejaring yang mereka gunakan saat ini untuk memancing orang-orang kaya.
67. Surat-surat penghapusan siksa, yang dipromosikan sebagai berkat terbesar, sebenarnya hanyalah alat untuk mengumpulkan uang.
68. Bagaimanapun, surat-surat itu tidak dapat dibandingkan dengan anugerah Allah dan kasih sayang yang ditunjukkan di Salib.
69. Para uskup dan pastor, karena ikatan dinas, diharuskan menerima dengan tulus dan hormat posisinya sebagai agen kepausan surat penghapusan siksa tersebut;
70. Tapi mereka berada di bawah kewajiban yang jauh lebih besar yang harus ditaati dan dipelihara dengan seksama sehingga orang-orang ini tidak mengajar semau mereka sendiri dan bukannya apa yang ditugaskan paus.
71. Biarlah orang yang menyangkal khasiat surat penghapusan siksa menjadi kutuk.
72. Di sisi lain, diberkatilah dia yang berhati-hati terhadap bualan para penjual surat penghapusan siksa tersebut.
73. Dengan cara yang sama, sang paus dengan baik mengucilkan mereka yang membuat rencana apapun terhadap kerusakan perdagangan surat penghapusan siksa.
74. Sejalan dengan itu, orang-orang yang menggunakan surat penghapusan siksa berniat merusak kebenaran dan kasih yang kudus terlebih lagi harus dikucilkan.
75. Bodohlah mereka yang berpikir surat pengampunan dosa dari paus memiliki kuasa yang demikian besar sehingga mereka dapat membebaskan seseorang bahkan bila ia telah melakukan yang tak terampuni dan menghujat ibunda Allah.
76. Kami menyatakan yang sebaliknya, dan mengatakan bahwa pengampunan paus tidak mampu menghilangkan bahkan dosa yang paling remeh sekalipun selama kesalahan mereka sendiri diperhitungkan.
77. Pernyataan bahwa St. Petrus sekalipun, jika ia sekarang adalah paus, dapat menganugerahkan karunia yang lebih besar, adalah penghinaan terhadap St. Petrus dan sang paus.
78. Kami menyatakan yang sebaliknya, dan mengatakan bahwa ia, dan paus yang mana pun juga, memiliki anugerah yang lebih besar, yaitu: Injil, kekuasaan-kekuasaan rohani, karunia menyembuhkan, dsb., sebagaimana dinyatakan dalam I Korintus 12.
79. Mengatakan bahwa nilai salib sebanding dengan kekuasaan kepausan adalah penghinaan terhadap salib Kristus.
80. Para uskup, pastor, dan teolog, yang mengizinkan pengajaran semacam itu diberikan kepada umat harus mempertanggungjawabkannya kelak.
81. Pengajaran tentang surat penghapusan siksa yang tak terkendali ini membuat bahkan orang-orang terpelajar pun sulit menjaga kehormatan paus dari tuduhan-tuduhan dusta, maupun dari kritikan para anggota jemaat yang awam;
82. Mereka bertanya, misalnya: Kenapa paus tidak melepaskan semua orang dari api penyucian dosa atas nama kasih (hal yang paling suci) dan karena kebutuhan tertinggi jiwa mereka? Secara moral ini akan menjadi yang terbaik dari semua alasan. Sementara itu ia menebus jiwa dengan jumlah yang tak terhingga demi uang, hal yang paling dapat musnah, untuk membangun gereja St. Petrus, tujuan yang sangat sepele.
83. Dan lagi: Kenapa upacara pemakaman dan peringatan orang-orang mati tetap diadakan? Dan kenapa paus tidak mengembalikan, atau setidaknya mengizinkan pengembalian, uang yang dibayarkan untuk keperluan ini, jika memang berdoa untuk jiwa-jiwa dari orang-orang yang telah meninggal itu salah?
84. Dan lagi: Tentulah ini suatu jenis kasih sayang yang baru, di pihak Allah dan paus, ketika seorang pendosa, musuh Allah, diizinkan membayar sejumlah uang untuk menebus jiwa seorang saleh, sahabat Allah; sedangkan jiwa orang saleh yang terkasih itu tidak boleh ditebus tanpa pembayaran, walaupun demi cinta kasih dan tidak dapat ditebus semata-mata karena kebutuhannya akan penebusan.
85. Dan lagi: Kenapa peraturan-peraturan penyesalan dosa, yang tidak dipraktekkan dan telah lama usang dan mati masih digunakan dalam mendenda sejumlah uang melalui surat penghapusan siksa seakan-akan seluruh peraturan itu masih berlaku?
86. Dan lagi: Penghasilan paus saat ini lebih besar daripada orang kaya yang paling kaya sekalipun; mengapa ia tidak membangun Basilika St. Petrus ini dengan uangnya sendiri, malahan menggunakan uang para anggota jemaat yang miskin?
87. Dan lagi: Apa yang dikurangi atau ditiadakan oleh paus kepada mereka yang memiliki penyesalan yang sempurna sehingga—atas dasar ketetapan paus—mempunyai hak atas pengampunan yang total?
88. Dan lagi: Tentunya gereja akan mendapatkan kebaikan yang lebih besar jika paus menganugerahkan pengampunan, tidak sekali, seperti sekarang, tetapi seratus kali sehari, demi kepentingan orang-orang percaya.
89. Apa yang dicari paus dengan surat penghapusan siksa bukanlah uang, tetapi keselamatan jiwa-jiwa; kalau demikian kenapa ia tidak menangguhkan surat-surat penghapusan siksa yang telah terlebih dulu dikeluarkan, dan tetap segigih sebelumnya?
90. Pertanyaan-pertanyaan ini serius dan muncul dari kenyataan sehari-hari yang dihadapi orang-orang awam. Dengan menekan mereka menggunakan kekuatan yang ada, dan tidak menanggapinya dengan memberikan argumen, berarti memaparkan gereja dan paus menjadi cemoohan musuh-musuh mereka, dan tidak membahagiakan orang-orang Kristen.
91. Jika karena itu, surat-surat penghapusan siksa dikhotbahkan sesuai dengan roh dan pikiran paus, segala kesulitan ini akan dengan mudah diatasi, dan bahkan, ditiadakan.
92. Jauhlah, karena itu, nabi-nabi yang mengatakan kepada umat Kristus, "Damai, damai," di mana tidak ada damai.
93. Celakalah, celakalah kepada semua nabi yang mengatakan kepada umat Kristus, "Salib, salib," di mana tidak ada salib.
94. Orang-orang Kristen seharusnya didorong untuk giat mengikut Kristus, Kepala mereka, melalui hukuman, kematian, maupun neraka;
95. Dan biarlah mereka dengan demikian menjadi lebih yakin untuk memasuki surga melalui banyak pencobaan daripada melalui jaminan-kedamaian yang palsu.
Editor : Thomas Koten
Sumber : Jaqlienwattimena.blogspot
https://www.belajarsampaimati.com/2010/01/siapakah-martin-luther.html
https://youtu.be/hhiluws-VNY
https://youtu.be/hhiluws-VNY?t=4954
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SEJARAH PERPECAHAN KRISTEN PROTESTAN dan KATOLIK - Reformasi John Wycliff, Jan Hus dan Martin Luther
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https://en.jubi.id/first-step-in-protecting-papuas-forests-greenpeace-indonesia-appreciates-jayapura-administrative-court/
Home National & International
National & International
First step in protecting Papua’s forests: Greenpeace Indonesia appreciates Jayapura Administrative Court
Papua Customary Forest - News Desk
27 May 2022
Jakarta, Jubi – Greenpeace Indonesia appreciates the decision of the Jayapura State Administrative Court which rejected the lawsuits of two palm oil companies, PT Anugerah Sakti Internusa and PT Persada Utama Agromulia, against South Sorong Regent Samsudi Anggiluli for revoking their operational permits.
Greenpeace considers the Court’s decision favoring the protection and recognition of indigenous Papuans living in the area. “This is good news for the indigenous peoples of Konda District and South Sorong. It’s the first step and the right step to protect Papua’s forests and the rights of indigenous peoples,” said Greenpeace Indonesia forest campaigner, Nico Wamafma in a written statement received by Jubi on Thursday, May 26, 2022.
Nico said the decision was in line with the West Papua Provincial Government’s commitment to protecting indigenous peoples through Special Regional Regulation No. 9 of 2019 and Governor Regulation No. 25 of 2021 on Procedures for Recognition of Indigenous Communities.
“It would be better if every related party could comply with and carry out what has become the court’s decision. We will keep an eye on this,” Nico added.
He said the expansion of oil palm plantations in Papua’s forests is alarming. The threat of destruction of Papua’s natural forests also threatens the survival of the indigenous people who live in it.
Previously, a similar lawsuit occurred in Sorong where three palm oil companies challenged the decision of Sorong Regent Johny Kamuru, who revoked their permits.
The verdict of the Jayapura Administrative Court rejecting these lawsuits is a momentum for the House of Representatives to immediately deliberate and ratify the Indigenous Peoples Bill, so that the rights of indigenous peoples over their customary territories can be acknowledged legally in the eyes of the state law and protected thoroughly.
“Besides, these steps are proof of the Regent’s courage to revoke a Company’s permit after an evaluation, as well as a lesson to other regional heads not to give permits to companies carelessly,” Nico explained.
According to him, legal decisions that prioritize the rights of indigenous peoples are absolutely the rule. This includes following the principle of FPIC (free, prior, and informed consent) before issuing permits to companies.
Protection and recognition of the rights of indigenous peoples are one of the efforts to preserve the remaining forests on Bumi Cenderawasih. “Indigenous peoples must have complete freedom in managing their customary territories and be economically independent without destroying the forest,” said Nico. (*)
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National & International
Deployment of forces to Dogiyai adds tension: Komnas HAM
Violence In Dogiyai - News Desk
27 May 2022
Jakarta, Jubi — The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) regrets the deployment of hundreds of personnel from the Police’s Mobile Brigade and the Indonesian Military (TNI) following the burning of dozens of buildings in Dogiyai Regency, Papua. Komnas HAM assessed that the deployment of forces actually worsened the situation and added to tensions in Dogiyai.
“We hope there was no such deployment for the situation to calm down. We appeal to all parties, let’s go hand in hand to build a safe and secure situation in Dogiyai,” said Komnas HAM commissioner Choirul Anam, as quoted by CNN Indonesia on Thursday, May 26, 2022.
Anam said he would check the deployment of the troops by asking directly to the Papuan Police. “We will check with the regional police until when these troops are deployed and for what purpose,” Anam added.
Anam also believes that the establishment of the Dogiyai Police Headquarters had worsened the situation because many residents objected. “This is what makes the situation not conducive,” he said.
Previously, around 100 people consisting of women and children fled to the TNI-Police post in Dogiyai after their houses and kiosks were burned by an unknown party on Sunday night, May 22.
According to police records, 20 units of houses located in the villages of Ikebo, Kimipugi, and Ekimanida were burned down. There were no casualties in this incident. The police then deployed 105 joint personnel to Dogiyai Regency to strengthen security in the area after the riots that resulted in the burning of residents’ houses.
Papua Police spokesperson Sr. Comr. Ahmad Musthofa Kamal said the joint personnel consists of members of the TNI Battalion RK 753/AVT and Papua Police’s BKO (under operational control) (*)
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Pandemic ‘food estate’ full of corruption potentials and threatens Indigenous Papuans: TAPOL
Food Estate - News Desk
9 May 2022
Land grabbing for food estates has caused ecological damage, and will further deprive Papuan indigenous peoples - Image: TAPOL
Jakarta, Jubi – The Indonesian government launched a plan to establish a ‘food estate’ at the beginning of the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020 under the pretext of wanting to guarantee Indonesia’s food security.
As the health crisis began in April 2020, the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) announced that one of the implications of the pandemic would be increased food insecurity, which would hit the most vulnerable groups worldwide.
Not long after, Coordinating Minister for Economic Affairs Airlangga Hartarto revealed the government’s plan to convert hundreds of thousands of hectares of land in Central Kalimantan Province into new rice fields.
Then in July 2020, the government held regular planning meetings and expanded the food estate planning to several other provinces in Indonesia. Similar projects have now been announced in the provinces of North Sumatra, South Sumatra, East Nusa Tenggara, and Papua.
On July 7, 2020, President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo invited Minister of Defense Prabowo Subianto to oversee the implementation of the food estate program. Jokowi said the Ministry of Defense was deemed capable to react quickly in a crisis.
The Ministry of Defense, indeed, enthusiastically took up this mandate and even started its own search for land across Indonesia, apparently independent of a process coordinated by the Ministry of Environment and Forestry (KLHK). This marks the revival of the food estate concept: the government’s plan to create large new agricultural production areas.
A recent report of TAPOL and AwasMIFEE! demonstrated how the food estate plan has the potential to fuel corruption and produce food for export markets that only benefit agro-industrial oligarchs.
Looking at the prior and current plans, the food estate has and will cause ecological devastation, and will further deprive West Papuan indigenous peoples, the report asserts.
The report also highlights the serious weaknesses of the plan from its inception, namely the potential that it will weaken regulations designed to protect the environment, primary forest clearance and drainage of wetlands, land grabbing, and the potential for irreparable damage to indigenous culture in West Papua.
The government’s strong support for plantation agriculture corporations in southern Papua and other locations in Indonesia has the potential to increase corruption. The Minister of Environment and Forestry has also been accused of having regressed on her commitment to halt deforestation in Indonesia as declared at the COP26 Summit in Glasgow in 2021.
The 29-page report by TAPOL and AwasMIFEE! includes:
• A chronology of past agricultural development plans with a top-down approach in West Papua, most of which were poorly planned and short-lived but pose a long-term threat to the entire landscape of southern Papua Province;
• How the food estate plan has the potential to foster corruption, wherein corporate and state actors and their families and friends – who are not West Papuans – benefit from the allocation of land for the food estate;
• How the corruption potentials are facilitated by a new law that gives the central government additional powers to seize land for the food estate while evading environmental safeguards;
• How the growth of the plantation industry in West Papua over the past decade has had the negative impacts that caused indigenous peoples to suffer – including frequent incidents of horizontal conflict between communities and increasing local food insecurity;
• How the livelihoods and culture of indigenous peoples are threatened by the food estate when most of the workforce on existing plantations already employs non-Papuan workers, thus placing indigenous communities ‘suppressed at the bottom’ on their own land and reinforcing existing structural discrimination.
TAPOL chairman Steve Alston in his comments quoted by the Asia Pacific Report at the end of April said that people in the southern province of Papua for more than 15 years have endured land grabbing and forest clearing for large-scale plantations.
“They had been promised jobs on the plantations but were then sidelined because migrant workers from other parts of Indonesia had replaced them,” he said.
Through this report, TAPOL hopes to provide a complete understanding of the food estate to the public, policymakers, as well as the people of West Papua and Indonesia, particularly highlighting the confiscated customary lands, the potential for ecological damage caused, and all the dubious reasons behind the food estate construction.
The full report can be downloaded here. (*)
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Investigation into Bloody Paniai strange and not serious: Civil NGOs
Bloody Paniai - News Desk
23 April 2022
Illustration of Papuan people commemorating the Bloody Paniai tragedy - IST
Jayapura, Jubi – A number of rights NGOs comprising KontraS, YLBHI, Amnesty International Indonesia and the families of the victims of the Bloody Paniai case (7 – 8 December 2014) highlighted many irregularities in the investigation of the case by the Attorney General’s Office (AGO).
The investigation, which began on December 3, 2021, is considered to have caused confusion due to the use of the term “general investigation” which is not stated in Law No. 26/2000 regarding Human Rights Court nor the criminal procedure law in Indonesia.
“We are monitoring the process through public channels of the AGO and the media. According to Komnas HAM, there are a number of things that must be addressed in the investigation to the case that killed four teenagers and injured at least ten people,” said Tioria Pretty, the Head of Impunity Monitoring Division of KontraS in a written statement received by Jubi on Monday, March 28, 2022.
According to at least eight press releases made by the AGO from December 2021 to March 2022, 61 people consisting of civilians and members of the Indonesian Military (TNI) and police have been questioned by AGO investigators. The process took place in at least three locations, namely Jakarta, Papua, and West Sumatra.
However, based on the credible information Jubi received, there has been no communication from the AGO to the victim’s family or their lawyers to date. Whereas in the criminal justice system for gross human rights violations, ideally, the Prosecutor is a defender and companion for victims to achieve justice.
KontraS, YLBHI, and Amnesty International Indonesia all agreed that the AGO had yet to exercise its authority to appoint ad-hoc investigators from the community as stipulated in Article 21 paragraph (3) of the Human Rights Court Law. The ad-hoc investigators must be the one with a proven track record of working for human rights and has victims’ perspectives.
This step is important to make the investigation participatory and independent in order to obtain and use the best evidence in the ongoing judicial process. The time limit for investigation of gross human rights violations as stipulated in Article 22 of the Human Rights Court Law must also be considered by the AGO so that the next process (the prosecution) can proceed effectively and properly according to the values, principles, and provisions of law and universal human rights.
“Looking at the Human Rights Court process for three other gross human rights violations, namely the Abepura case, the Tanjung Priok case and the Timor Leste case only presents doubts for the victim’s family and also the public,” Tioria said.
The three NGOs not only criticized the lack of coordination between the AGO and the families of victims but also the AGO’s weak indictments as seen in current and previous cases. The AGO has failed to hold those in the chain of command accountable, it only named one field actor suspect and therefore, cut off the accountability of policymakers for what happened at Paniai in 2014.
Civil society groups suspected the AGO was also not optimal this time during the investigation into Bloody Paniai. Not to mention the fact that only one out of the 15 gross human rights violations whose status elevated into investigation during nearly eight years of President Joko Widodo’s leadership. This makes the doubts of the victims’ families valid.
The families of the victims of the Paniai case also expressed their doubts that the current law enforcement process could lead to justice. They said there had been too many unresolved cases of violence by security forces in Papua, such as the Dogiyai case which killed two people (Dominokus Auwe and Alwisus Waine) in 2011 and the murder of Pastor Yeremia Zanambani in 2020.
Apart from the Paniai case, there are several other serious human rights violations that have occurred in Papua. These cases have not yet been advanced to the investigation stage despite presenting sufficient preliminary evidence, including the cases of Wasior 2001 and Wamena 2003.
The human rights situation in Papua continues to decline throughout the years. Instead of fulfilling Papuan people rights, the government keep using a security approach to Papua’s problems that often turns into violence.
The massive deployment of TNI personnel, the operation against the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) that made civilians victims, residents who had to live in evacuation camps, racism, murder, and various other human rights violations are situations experienced by Papuans on a daily basis.
Therefore, the victim’s family together with the three NGOs urged the Attorney General’s Office to appoint an ad-hoc human rights investigator from the community who has the capacity in the field of human rights and side with the victim to participate in the investigation of the Paniai case.
The people also asked the AGO to hold several high-ranking TNI and police officials responsible for the Paniai case, and Jokowi to stop the human rights violations in Papua by changing the security approach to dialogue that upholds human rights. (*)
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https://en.jubi.id/papuan-students-abroad-ask-for-dialogue-with-jokowi-on-scholarship-termination/
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Papuan students abroad ask for dialogue with Jokowi on scholarship termination
Scholarship Termination - News Desk
12 April 2022
screenshot of the zoom meeting between IMAPA-USA administrators and journalists discussing the termination of scholarships by the government, Saturday (9/4/2022). Jubi/Hengky Yeimo
Jayapura, Jubi – The Papuan Student Association in the United States (IMAPA USA-Canada) again asked President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) and the Papua provincial government to have a dialogue with them and find a solution regarding the termination of scholarships for several Papuan students abroad.
Papuan students abroad have expressed this concern for months now. “The scholarship termination is due to the issuance of Law No. 2/2021 on the Second Amendment to Law No. 21/2001 on Papua Special Autonomy or Otsus. Through the new Otsus Law, the government cut the rights of Papuan students abroad,” said IMAPA USA-Canada President Dimison Kogoya in a virtual conference on Saturday, April 9, 2022.
Kogoya said Papuan students in America, Canada, New Zealand, and Australia had tried to reach the government but to no avail. There has been no response from both the central government in Jakarta and the Papua provincial government.
“We hope that the government will immediately hold a dialogue with students from various study cities abroad. We must talk this through. The government cannot just terminate the funding assistance for our study,” he said.
Currently, there are hundreds of Papuan students studying abroad on the brink of being sent home.
“In the letter of termination of the scholarship to students, it is stated that the student who receives the letter is considered late in completing their studies until the end of 2021 and is asked to prepare for their return to Papua. That’s the government’s reason without looking at the students’ condition,” said Kogoya.
IMAPA USA-Canada advisor Anis Labene said that the scholarship termination had affected the students mentally and threatened their future.
“Most grantees come from lower middle-class families, this is something that the central government must pay attention to,” Labene said.
She said the Indonesian government must be wise in issuing policies because these students really wanted to finish their studies.
The reason Papuan students slow in finishing their studies
An aeronautical student at Embry-Riddle University in Oregon, United States, Daniel Game, revealed the reasons that made some students unable to complete their studies on time.
“Some students are late because sometimes, the government is slow in sending allowance for living expenses. When classes start, we automatically need to purchase books and other materials. Sometimes the delay in student allowance takes up to two weeks, three weeks, even a month, leaving us unable to buy the books we need, thus unable to finish our tasks. Not completing our tasks resulted in bad grades. Of course, that would delay our study,” he explained.
Game said another reason was the delay in sponsorship letters. This is a letter issued by the Papua Human Resources Development Agency.
“The letter states the ability of the Papuan government to finance Papuan students. The letter is a guarantee from the Papuan government to the campus. Well, this letter is sometimes delayed, I experienced it myself. In June-July 2019, I graduated from a community college, I wanted to continue to Embry-Riddle, it took a year and six months before I finally got my sponsorship letter,” he said. (*)
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Govt prepares strategy to end armed conflict in Papua
Armed Conflict In Papua - News Desk
14 April 2022
People from Nduga Regency who took refuge in Muliama District, Jayawijaya Regency, Papua. - Jubi/Islami
Jayapura, Jubi – The Indonesian government is changing strategies in dealing with armed conflict in Papua, particularly to prevent civilians from falling victims, Vice President Ma’ruf Amin says.
As quoted from the official website of the Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia, Ma’ruf Amin said the government was preparing steps that were expected to handle the security situation in Papua.
“I think the government is currently not passive defensive in its strategy to deal with armed groups but rather use dynamic and active defensive methods,” Ma’ruf said in a press conference in Bukittinggi, West Sumatra on Tuesday, April 12, 2022.
He further said that Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs Mahfud MD was formulating a new strategy with various parties to deal with armed conflict in Papua. The formulation of the new strategy involves the commander of the Indonesian Military, the National Police chief, the State Intelligence Agency, and other related parties.
“This is to make steps forward and make the community safe, and support the welfare development of Papua. Security is correlated with welfare development issues,” he said.
Meanwhile, responding to the recent student protest on April 11, which protested the price increase of basic commodities, Ma’ruf said the government was always willing to listen to various demands. He said a protest is part of democracy.
“That’s part of our democracy. As long as it’s done properly and peacefully, that’s the community’s aspiration. The government certainly hears these demands,” he added.
Regarding the demand for the government to reduce the price of cooking oil and fuel, Ma’ruf said that the government kept trying to ease the burden of public spending through various steps such as controlling prices and providing social assistance.
Ma’ruf emphasized that the increase in prices for various basic necessities was not only due to a surge in demand during the Ramadan holy month and ahead of the Eid al-Fitr celebration, but also triggered by uncertain global economic conditions, such as climate change and the impact of the Russia-Ukraine war. (*)
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Indonesia to reopen Papua New Guinea borders
Indonesia To Reopen PNG Borders - News Desk
5 April 2022
President Joko Widodo and PM Papua New Guinea, PM James Marape - IST
Jakarta, Jubi – President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) has conveyed Indonesia’s plan to reopen border posts in Papua New Guinea to increase trade between the two countries, especially in cross-border areas.
“Indonesia is ready to reopen the border in Papua New Guinea to restore cross-border trade and the economic of the people living in border areas,” said Jokowi in a press conference after receiving an official visit from Papua New Guinea Prime Minister James Marape at the Bogor Presidential Palace, West Java, on Thursday, March 31, 2022.
The President said his meeting with PM James Marape took place in a friendly and productive atmosphere. The two leaders discussed efforts to strengthen bilateral cooperation in various fields and exchanged views on cooperation in the Pacific region.
In the trade sector, Jokowi welcomed efforts to increase trade between Indonesia and Papua New Guinea. In 2021, the trade value between Indonesia and Papua New Guinea was increased by 87 percent compared to 2020, or higher than the trade value before the COVID-19 pandemic.
Jokowi was also confident about the economic recovery following the COVID-19 pandemic and increase trade opportunities through the reopening of the Indonesia-PNG border at Skouw Wutung, Muaratami District, Jayapura City.
“I’m also glad about the launch of a feasibility study for the establishment of a preferential trade agreement between Indonesia and Papua New Guinea,” Jokowi added, as quoted by Antara.
Meanwhile, PM James Marape expressed his gratitude to President Jokowi and the ministers of the Advanced Indonesia Cabinet, who had held a welcoming ceremony even though it was on short notice.
“We would also like to invite the Indonesian government to visit Port Moresby next year so that we can hold our annual bilateral meeting there,” said Marape. (*)
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